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hundred and 


Copies printed, of which this 

is No. 


William, 5th Earl of Seaforth. 









[All rights reserved.] 










The Essays, which are printed in this volume, were 
contributed to the Press during the last few years, 
and are given in this form because it was repre- 
sented to me that these papers should be rendered 
more accessible to historical students. The original 
documents, upon which the articles on the Lords 
Reay, the Earldom of Ross, and Lord Seaforth's 
campaign are founded, are among the MSS. in the 
British Museum, and Public Record Office. 

My warmest thanks are due to the officials of these 
institutions for their unfailing courtesy and kindness. 
Especially have I to express my deepest obligations 
to Sir E. Maunde Thompson and F. Bickley, Esq., 
of the Department of MSS., British Museum, for 
the readiness with which they invariably tendered 
assistance and advice ; while Mr Salisbury, of H.M. 
Record Office, always renders valuable aid to students 
of the MSS. under his care. 

His Grace the late Duke of Leeds in the kindest 
way permitted an examination of a most remarkable 



I. Lord Reay's Duel— Letter to the Earl of Carlisle, 1 

n. Lord Reay anx» General Monck — Articles of Agree- 
ment BETWEEN General Monck and Hugh Mackay, 8 

III. Lord Berriedale and his Son — Correspondence 

between Berriedale and Lord Sinclair, . . 13 

• IV. The Earldom op Ross— Succession of the Earls — 
Donald, Lord of the Isles, and his Claim to the 
Title — The De Yle Earls of Ross — Claim of 
Glengarry to the Earldom, and his Petition to 
Charles II., ...... 17 

V. A Badenoch Ultimatum — Illegal Exactions by the 
Army — The Fortification of Ruthven — Remon- 
strance BY the People op Badenoch against 
Exactions by the Garrison, > . .34 

VI. Lord Seaforth's Campaign — Letters from Simon, 

Lord Lovat, Lady Seaforth, Generals Cadogan 

AND WiGHTMAN, . . . . . 39 

VII. Thf young Laird op Foulis — Letters to the Secre- 

tary of State, ..... 70 

VIII. Borlum's Expedition into England — Letter to Cap- 
tain Pool— Letter to the Chief Magistrate of 
DuNSE — Duke of Athol and his Son, Lord 
Charles Murray, . . . . .80 

IX. The Forty-five — Treachery of Campbell of Invkr- 
awe — Escape of the Duke of Perth — Desertion 

ERICK THE Great to Prince Charles, . . 86 



X. Lord MacLeod's Campaign— Speech at his Trial — 
Letter to his Father — Letter to Lord Holder- 
NESSE, ....... 98 

XI. The Ministers of Edinburgh — Their Correspondence 

with Sir Everard Faulkner, . . . 106 

XII. List op Ross-shire Jacobites, . . , .113 

XIII. Morayshire Jacobites, . . . , .124 

XIV. James Lorimer — Correspondence with Lord Tweed- 

dale, ....... 147 

XV. Election of Edinburgh Magistrates — Account of 

Meetings — Address to the King, . . .154 

XVI. An Infamous Spy — Letters of Lord Advocate Craigie 

— Declaration by Macgregor— Letter as ' Pickle,' 161 

XVII. Pickle the Spy — His Correspondence with Lord 
Strathallan — Licence prom the King — Extract 
Letter to Duncan Campbell — Letter to Amyand 
— Memorandum by Drummond — Examination by 
Lord Holdernesse — Albemarle's Opinion of 
Drummond — Drummond's Correspondence with 
Balhaldie — Alleged Attempt to Assassinate him 
— Treachery op a Macdonald, . . .182 


Portrait op the Earl op Seaforth, . . . Frontispiece. 

„ Sir Robert Munro, . . . .71 

Fac-simile op the Seals of the Earls op Ross, . 20, 23, 26 

„ Badenoch Ultimatum, . . . ,38 

„ Signature op Lord Lovat, . . .59 

» M General Wightman, . . 61 

» » General Cadogan, . . 64 

M » Countess Seaforth, . . 65 

» ,, Earl of Seaforth, . . 68 
„ Letter, Mackintosh of Borlum to Dunse, . 82 

„ Signature, Alex. Pickle, . . .178 

M n James Drummond, . . . I9i 



Sir Donald Mackay of Farr, raised to the Peerage 
as Lord Reay in 1628, was a notable man in his day 
and generation. Strange stories regarding him are 
still told by the peasantry of the Mackay country. 
By many of his contemporaries he was believed to be 
in close communion with " Auld Nick," and it is said 
that all the fairies, witches, and wizards of the North 
were ever ready to obey his slightest behest. Aided 
thus powerfully, he might have been a great benefactor 
of his country ; but his schemes for the improvement 
of Sutherland were constantly thwarted by the " good 
men " of the district, whose long prayers on more 
than one occasion caused a stampede among Sir 
Donald's fairy labourers. 

He did not follow in the beaten path of his 
ancestors, and this, in a measure, accounts for his 
extraordinary reputation. The hot blood of his 


forbears ^ led' -'tKemi to Spillage and murder their 
neighbours : they made surreptitious raids into 
Sutherland, Assynt, or Caithness, and with a 
"strong hand" lifted the "marts" and the " mut- 
tons " of these countries. Upon occasion they would 
patch up their petty feuds by the sacrifice of a sister's 
or a daughter's happiness, and, descending from their 
rugged mountains, lead their " tail " to fight in the 
forefront of Scotland's battles. 

Times were changed, for the politic marriage of 
James IV. and the timely death of Queen Elizabeth 
had placed the Stuart upon the English throne. The 
Earls of Sutherland and Caithness had become too 
powerful to be molested with impunity, aud the Chief 
of the Macka3^s sought out " fresh fields and pastures 
new." Sir Donald had heard of the fame of the King 
of Denmark, and, buckling on his broadsword, deter- 
mined to fight under the man whom he describes as 
"ane resolutt soldett." The " bratach " of the 
Mackays was unfurled in a foreign land, and the 
slogan of the clan struck terror into a foreign foe. 
On many a hard fought field Sir Donald and his men 
distinguished themselves, and when he returned to 
Britain his fame preceded him. His impecunious 
sovereign had scented the hard won gold from afar, 
and an accommodating subject had his name inscribed 
in the Roll of Peers. It was as Lord Reay that the 
Chief of the Mackays returned to Germany, surrounded 


by the chivalry of the North.* But dark days were 
in store for him. 

The gentlemen of Fife of about three centuries ago 
had an evil reputation as slanderers and talebearers. 
The great Chief of Kintail, and the two Island 
magnates of the West — Macleod and Macdonald, each 
became victims of the unbridled tongues of these busy- 
bodies. Little wonder, therefore, that " they swair a 
grete aith to heid the fyrst Fifer " who crossed their 
path, or set foot in their domains. Another Highland 
Chief, when in the zenith of his fame, had his honour 
tarnished. The story of the dispute between Lord 
Reay and Ramsay is dark and involved. It would 
appear that Ramsay accused Reay of certain treason- 
able speeches in reference to the levies raised by the 
Marquis of Hamilton for the assistance of the King 
of Sweden. Ramsay affirmed that Reay had said 
Hamilton's troops " war intendit for som uther pur- 
poss quhilk wold break out in its awin tym," darkly 
hinting at an attempt on Hamilton's part to claim the 
throne. Accuser and accused being brought face to 
face in the presence of the King, mutual recrimina- 
tions ensued ; and as the result, the indignant Chief 
challenged Ramsay to mortal combat. A High Court 
of Chivalry was specially constituted for the occasion, 

* In one of his letters he complains of the small pay given by his 
commander, and adds — " But iff he opines not his pourss, I will sik 
aue uther maister : the King of Speen is ane trew man and ane good 


the 20th November 1631 being fixed as the date of 
the trial. From the records of the period we learn 
that Eeay appeared before the Court, ushered in by a 
herald, and accompanied with his sureties — Sir Pierce 
Crosby, Sir Walter Crosby, Sir William Forbes, Sir 
Eobert Gordon, and Sir William Evers. He was 
apparelled in black velvet trimmed with silver 
buttons, his sword in a silver embroidered belt, and 
his order of a Scottish Baronet about his neck, and so, 
" with reverence, entered into his pew, his Counsel, 
Dr Eeeves, standing by." 

It is satisfactory to learn that he behaved, as 
became the head of a warlike clan, " like himself 
(tall, swarthy, black but comely), very port-like and 
of staid countenance." Ramsay was ushered in by 
another herald, his sureties being Lord Roxburgh 
and Lord Abercorn, " and his deport like himself, 
stern and brave, a fair, ruddy, yellow-headed bush of 
hair ; his apparel scarlet, overlaced with silver, the 
ground hardly decerned, and lined with sky-coloured 
plush, but unarmed, without a sword. After his 
reverence to the Court, he faced the Appellant, who 
alike sterned a countenance at him." 

The sentence of the Court was given as follows : — 

" The Lord Constable (Earl of Lindsay) taking the appeal 
in his hands, and folding it up, put it into the glove which the 
Lord Eeay has cast forth in the Court for a pawn in this 
behalf, and held the Bill and glove in his right hand, and in 


his left the answer and glove of David Ramsay, and then 
joining the Bill and Answer and the gloves and folding them 
together, he, with the Earl Marshal (Earl of Arundel), adjudged 
a duel between the parties." 

The duel was to be fought on the 1 2th April follow- 
ing, in the Tuttlefield, between sun and sun. The 
King and Court were to be present. The weapons 
were to be " a long sword, four foot and a half in 
length, hilt and all ; in breadth two inches ; a pike 
fifteen foot in length, head and all ; in breadth an 
inch." These weapons were each of them to be idth 
a point, but the combatants might abate of the 
length and breadth if they thought fit. 

The day of trial was fast approaching, and Lord 
Reay, like many another, experienced how fitful a 
thing was popular favour. Friends, relations, and 
those who were wont to fawn upon him in the hey- 
day of his prosperity, now held aloof, and the gallant 
chief, desirous to appear in a manner befitting his birth 
and qualit}^, addresses the following pathetic letter, 

" To the rycht honourable my very noble good lord the 
Earl of Carlile, Viscount Donkester, etc." 

"Right Honourable,— May it pleas yor honor that a reall 
frend is best knowne in adversitie. I have in all this tyme 
of my trial les and trubles reserved yor lordship to the after 
shot as the surest pillor of my fortunes under God and our 
gracious sovereign our king. Good my lord, soe is my present 
estate that I am brought soe loe, and ow of meanes and 
monies, that I know not what way to subsist until the day of 


my triall. Neither know I what way to furnisch myselfe 
with any kind of equipage fitt for my birth or quality except 
his Majestie be so graciouslie pleased as to cause to be given 
to me part of the monies which is dew to me. I caused a 
petition to be presented to his Majestie, but had noe answer 
thereof, so that I most humblie request yor lordship to 
present this my other petition to his Majestie, and to return 
me an answer by this noble bearer my frend what I may 
expect seeing the time is so neare, and I left destitute of all 
other helpe, by reason that I did only trust into those monies 
due unto me heere : I think it the greatest of my misfortunes 
that I am brought into this straight which 1 think I have to 
blott paper with. I have received fifteene hundred pound 
since I came last into England, and his Majestie oweth me 
as yet two thousand five hundred pounds. I desire now but 
the odd five hundred pound to do my present business which 
is his Majesties owne service more than mine, and I am 
willing not to presse the other two thousand pound till God 
makes an end of this trialles. Although his Majestie did owe 
me none, yet, without offence, I may say his Majestie is 
obleeged in honor not to suffer me to come to ruin or disgrace 
at this time, seeing that it is for his royall safty that I have 
brought myself into this necessitie. As your lordship has 
ever beine my surest patron and truest frend, I expect this 
favor once more, amongst the rest of yor lordships manifould 
courtusies shown to me, as to think whether I live or die 
that I am, — Your Lordshipps most humble servant, 

" March this 29th." 

The duel was postponed by order of the King until 
the 17th of May, but five days before this he decided 


that it should not take place, and committed both 
Lord Reay and Ramsay to the Tower till they found 
sureties to keep the peace. 

Of Lord Reay's after life, and of his interesting 
matrimonial ventures, we say nothing further than 
that, in regard to the last, from his own curious 
confession it would appear he could say with truth, 
in the words of Shakespeare : — 

" Full many a lady I have eyed with best regard, and many 
a time the harmony of their tongues hath into bondage 
brought my too diligent ear." 

At any rate he had to pay sweetly for going off 
with Lizzy Tamson. 



The great Civil War, mainly due to the pernicious 
influence exercised over Charles I. by his Queen, re- 
vealed in an extraordinary fashion the character of 
the governing families in the North. Scarcely one 
emerged from the struggle with credit. Mercenary 
to the last degree, they, like the weathercock, turned 
to every wind which blew private advantage to them. 
Loyalty and patriotism became secondary considera- 

Of the part taken by the Sutherlands, Mackays, 
Mackenzies, Munroes, Macdoualds, and others, the 
true history has yet to be written ; but of all these 
none acted so deceitfully as Seaforth, who, while 
actually professing loyalty to his sovereign, was deep 
in intrigue with the other side, scheming to bring 
about a matrimonal alliance between his son and the 
daughter of Cromwell ! Further, he engaged " to 
secure the Highland chiefs to favour Cromwell's 
measures." The Seaforths of those days were en- 
gaged in questionable intrigues, and to them must 
be traced the infamous calumny attached to the good 


name of the Macleods of Assyrit, in connection with 
the capture of Montrose. 

Glengarry was ready to go anywhere and do any- 
thing, " provided he was made Earl of Ross." 
Indeed, one of the royalist generals assured him that 
this " earldom would be the reward of his loyalty," 
but Charles gives Glengarry good advice when he tells 
him " not to place reliance on all he is told " ; the 
letter, however, conveying the impression that the 
bestowal of the earldom would not be a remote con- 
tingency. General Munro is not proof against an 
earldom and an annuity of £2000, which Charles 
distinctly offers him in consideration for services to 
be rendered. 

The Earl of Sutherland and his neighbour Lord 
Reay were alternately Covenanters and Royalists. 
Sutherland raised a regiment of 800 men on behalf of 
the Estates, but had not the wherewithal to clothe 
them, and the " maintenance of half his regiment 
cost 200 bolls of meal and £1000 monthly." John 
Mackay, Lord Reay, suffered imprisonment on more 
than one occasion at the hands of both parties. The 
story of his escape from Edinburgh Castle is a matter 
of history. He took part with the Earl of Glen cairn 
and General Middleton, both of whom were defeated 
by Monck, — who pacified the country by exacting 
bonds from the heads of families for their peaceable 


The following Articles of Agreement between 
General Monck and Hugh Mackay, acting on behalf 
of Lord Reay, are interesting as showing the steps 
taken by the Scottish Commander-in-Chief to secure 
peace in these northern parts. Mackay's seal is 
curious, inasmuch as it contains merely the badge (a 
dexter hand holding a dagger surrounded by the 
motto "Manu forte") instead of the coat of arms 
usually affixed to such documents : — 

" Articles of Agreement made and concluded the eighteenth 
day of May 1655, between the Eight Honourable 
General Monck, Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in 
Scotland, for and on behalf of his Highness the Lord 
Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, 
and Ireland, on the one part, and Hugh Mackaye, for 
and on behalfe of the Eight Honourable John Lord 
Eea and his partie, on the other part. 

" 1. It is agreed and concluded that the Lord Eea shall, 
together with all horseman of his partie (included in this 
capitulacion), repaire or come to such place neere Inverness 
as Col. Ffitche shall appoint within twen tie-eight daies next 
after signing of these present articles. And then deliver upp 
their armes to Col. Ffitche, to whom they are to give notice 
24 howres before their approache. 

" 2. That the Lord Eea shall give security of two thousand 
pounds to the said Col. Ffitche within fourtene daies after 
his parties delivering up their armes for his and his frendes 
and followers peaceable deportment to his Highness the Lord 
Protector and the Commonwealth of England and his 
successors, and that Hugh Mackay of Dilred, Hugh Mackay 
of Scoury, Eobert Mackey, Donald Mackey, and William 
Macl^y shall be bound in the said bond, and shall have pro- 


tection from arreste whilst they come in to enter into bond 
as aforesaid. And that George, Master of Kea, sonne to the 
said Lord Eea, shall, when the Commander-in-Chief in 
Scotland shall desire it, be sent to and reside at such of the 
Universities in Scotland as the Lord Rea shall choose for 
the performance of these articles. And that such others 
included in this capitulacion of the Lord Rea's forces, or 
par tie, as have estates in land, or were officers under him, 
shall give good security for their peaceable deportment: a 
Lieutenant-Col. in the sume of three hundred pounds ; a 
Major in two hundred pounds; a Captane in one hundred 
pounds ; a Lieutenant or Capnett in sixty pounds ; and an 
Ensign in fifty pounds; and the private soldiers shall give 
their engagement to the like purpose. 

" 3. That the officers shall be at liberty to marche away 
with their horses and swords, and the private men with their 
horses to their respective habitacions, or places of aboade, 
where they are to sell their horses within three weeks to 
their best advantage, and both officers and soldiers are to 
have passes from Colonel Ffitche to goe to their homes, 
and that the Lord Rea and his friends and followers 
shall have liberty to carry their armes for their owne 
defence against broken men and theeves within their own 

" 4. That the Lord Rea, together with all those of his partie 
included in this capitulacion, whether officers, private soldiers, 
or servants, under his Lordship, who have not killed men in 
cold blood, shall enjoy their estates, both real and personal, 
without any molestation. Any act or anything by them 
formerly done in reference to the late war between England 
and Scotland since 1648, notwithstanding : they submitting 
to all common burdens equal with others of the nation. 
Provided that such of Lord Rea's partie as have lands in 
Ireland that are alreadie disposed of by Act of Parliament, 
his Highness and his Council or the Lord Deputy and Council 
in Ireland, are not to have or claim them by virtue of these 


articles ; but what land of theirs are not disposed of they are 
to have and enjoy. 

" 5. That the Lord Eea shal bee remitted his wholl bypast 
cess till the first of September last, from which time he is to 
paye it in according to his proporcion. And that whensoever 
Colonel Ffitche or other officer commanding in Caithness or 
Inverness shall have occasion to send for the said John Lord 
Eea about public affaires, his lordachip shall pass and repass 
without arrest or molestacion by messengers-at-armes. 

" 6. That all such horsemen of the Lord Eea's partie who 
shall conceal, or willingly imbeazell, their armes and not bring 
them into Colonel Ffitche according to his agreement shall 
loose the benefit of these articles. 

" 7. That in caise there be any howse or howses of strength 
within the Lord Eea's bounds, that the Commander-in-Chief 
in Scotland shall require to be garrisoned, the Lord Eea shall 
by these articles, bee engaged to deliver up the same. 

" 8. That these articles shall be ratified by his Highness 
the Lord Protector and his Council, and delivered to the Lord 
Eea or whom he shall appoint within three months after the 
date hereof. 

" Sealed and signed in 

the presence of 
" William Clark, /lO> o •♦' /t 

" Thomas Fitche, /yT*^^Tv ^ fliS 

" Mathew Lock." ^ C^C ^ 



The following letters are peculiarly interesting, as 
much for the admirable spirit which both reveal, as 
for the fact that few items of confidential correspond- 
ence have come down to us from the stirring time of 
the Covenanters. In the disastrous conflict which 
had arisen between Charles and his subjects, there 
perished the best and bravest of Britain's sons. In 
the bitter struggle families were divided ; father met 
son face to face on the field of battle, and the result 
was that many of the noblest arid proudest houses in 
the kingdom were brought to ruin. 

The Earl of Caithness and his son, Lord Berriedale, 
were opposed to the Covenant, while the latter's son, 
best known as the "Master of Berriedale," was con- 
sidered one of the leaders of the Covenanters. The 
loyalty of the Master to the cause he espoused is 
evinced in the letter which he sent to his father. 
Lord Berriedale on more than one occasion had to 
remonstrate with his son, whom he calls " obstrop- 
orus," but the young man appears to have been 
under the influence of his spouse (Margaret Mackenzie 


of Seaforth), and, where his conscience was concerned, 
paid little attention to his father's injunctions. The 
course of action pursued by the Master attracted the 
attention of his relative the Marquis of Huntly, who 
was head of the King's party in North Britain. 
Huntly accordingly sent " a very gude ramage falcone 
for my Lord's delectation" to Berriedale, and took 
advantage of the opportunity to write thus on 20th 
December 1638: — "As you desyre to prevent your 
sone his ruin, stryve to bring him off in tyme from 
these iddle courses, for hereafter it will be impossible." 
Being thus admonished, the father wrote to his son 
two days later the letter which we give below. 

The Master of Berriedale died of fever at Edin- 
burgh in 1639, and left a son, George, who, on the 
death of his great-grandfather in 1643, became sixth 
Earl of Caithness. This George was that Earl who 
sold his titles and estates to Campbell of Glenorchy. 
He was a weak man, and the unworthy son of a 
spirited father. 

Lord Berriedale's Letter. 

"Sone, — Howsoever your unnaturality and miscarriages 
have disgusted me in tymes past, yet for discharging my duty 
as a father both before God and man, foreseeing your imminent 
ruin, I have thought good by this presents to forewarn you 
of the same. And gif by your iddle and proposterous causes 
you have on hand you and your posterity perish, I have God 
to witness that I have discharged the pairt of ane loving 
father — howsoever you have deserved it at my hands, and 


for your better information of your danger have sent herewith 
the Marquis of Huntly's letter sent to me presently. Where- 
for soon reid and consider thei same advisedly, and rather taik 
counsel in tyme than to perish all utirlie, bot [i.e. without] 
regret of them who loves you best. I will not use more words, 
but this far I will show that gif you turn not tymously there 
will be no place hereafter for repentance. So gif you love 
yourself, children, or wife, folio counsel or perrishe bot regret. 
So louking you will send me back the Marquis' letter, I rest 
expecting your answer with the bearer. 

Your father more kynd than you deserve. 

" Barkiedale. 

" Keiss, December the 22nd, 1638." 

The Master of Berriedale writes thus in reply : — 

" My very noble and guid Lord, and loving Faither, — I 
received your Lordship's kind letter, advertisement, and 
council, and tho' your Lordship gives therein some undeserved 
checks, yet I most patiently accept of what it shall please 
your Lordship to write or to speak to me, and shall 'endeavour 
(my conscience reserved) to perform to the uttermost of my 
power what your Lordship will command. But where your 
Lordship by these desires me to fall back and repent of that 
I have both sworn and subscribed unto, I think it were a 
disgrace to jonr Lordship to be a father to such a son, and a 
perpetual infamie to remain to posteritie and greate iniquitie 
against God and his Spirit which perswades my conscience 
of the equitie of what I have done. I hope that thereby I 
have offended none (if not by accidence). Gif I suffer for 
righteousnes cause happy am I, for I ever resolved to suffer 
affliction with the servant of God tlian to enjoy the pleasures 
of sin for a season; neither do I account tlio momentary 
afflictions of this life worthie to be compared in respect of 
the joy and comfort laid up for me in Christ, and if for this 
cause (not having done anything contemptuously against 


authority) I lose either lands, wife, or children, I have His own 
promise, to the which I will constantly rely without waver- 
ing, assuring myself I shall receive a hundredfold now in this 
tyme, howso if with persecution, and in the world to come 
eternal lyfe — so that noe needs to regrait. But in case that 
your Lordship should have a prejudicial opinion of my pro- 
ceedings, I protest to God I intend nothing but to the glorie 
of God, the honour of the King, and loyalty to my native 
country, and filial affection to your Lordship, as becometh 
your Lordship's affectionally obedient son and servant, 

" December 24th, 1638. " Sinclaike." 



One of the most historic of the old Scottish 
earldoms is that of Ross, which was forfeited in 1476. 
The Earls of Ross attained an almost regal position 
in the North. For several centuries they took a 
prominent part in national affairs, consequently a 
brief account of these potent nobles, who, upon more 
than one occasion, made the kings of Scotland tremble 
upon their throne, may be of some interest. Unfor- 
tunately, no historian has yet undertaken to deal 
with the most interesting district in the North, and 
while Caithness, Sutherland, and Nairn have had 
their histories written up, Ross has scarcely been 
touched upon. Nowhere else, if we omit Sutherland- 
shire, has there been such a total extinction of the 
old aristocracy as in the earldom of Ross. 

The names of many of the great vassals who 
followed the banner of the Earls are still preserved, 
but only in connection with the lands of which they 
were once lords. Well may one ask where are the 
Tarrels of Tarrel, who possessed estates in Ross and 
Sutherland ; the TuUochs of that ilk ; the Baynes of 


Tulloch ; the Dingwalls of that ilk and of Kildun ; 
the Denoons of Cadboll ; the Ferns of that ilk, after- 
wards of Tarlogie ; the MacCuUochs of Tarrel, Plaids, 
Kindeace, and Glastullich ? Where, too, are the 
representatives of the fifty flourishing cadets of the 
house of Balnagown ? Balnagown itself has long since 
passed into a family alien in blood. The Munroes 
still retain the old acres of their race, but the cadets 
of this ancient house have, like the others, all 
waned. Yet, although these gentle families have 
disappeared, they have left their names and their 
doings written largely in the records of the past. 

No evidence has yet been forthcoming as to the 
actual date of the creation of the earldom of Ross, 
and, as usual, the origin of the family ennobled under 
this title has been the subject of much discussion. 
The first Earl of whom there is any mention is Malcolm, 
who (according to the Register of Dunfermline) had 
a mandate from the King of Scots to protect the 
monks of that abbey between 1153 and 1165. Soon 
after the accession of Alexander, Ferchar, Earl of 
Ross, comes upon the scene. He did some service in 
suppressing the rebellion which broke out in Ross 
and Moray, but there is no reason to believe in the 
origin assigned to him by Sir Robert Gordon and 
Skene. These writers are only held as authorities by 
those who never trouble to critically examine their 
statenients, and who are possessed of a pious belief that 


they could not err. Into the question of origin we 
will not at this time enter, and only remark that Earl 
Ferchar was not paternally of Celtic descent, nor was 
he of "uncultured and savage disposition," as repre- 
sented by some. He regularly attended the court of 
Alexander 11. , and rendered valuable assistance in 
negotiations with England. It is much to his credit 
that he tried to forward Christianity and civilisation 
among the rude tribes of his earldom. He founded 
the Abbey of Fearn in the parish of Edderton, but 
owing to the savage disposition of the natives, it had 
to be removed to another site. A stone effigy of the 
Earl still exists. 

William, the next Earl, at the request of King 
Alexander, raised his vassals and led them against the 
men of Skye and Lewis, which islands he brought 
into subjection, and received them as a reward from 
his sovereign. Dying in 1274, he was succeeded by 
his son, also William, who lived in stirring times. 
The death of the Maid of Norway plunged Scotland 
into the horrors of a disputed succession, and it is 
noteworthy that Brus, who afterwards was to prove 
the deliverer of his country, was the first to precipi- 
tate civil war. In the events which preceded the 
election of John Baliol to the kingly functions, the 
Earl of Ross did not act a patriotic part : nor, indeed, 
did any of the Scots nobles. They preferred to 
sacrifice their country to their personal resentments. 


The Earl of Ross was commanded by Baliol to make 
war upon the "foreign Isles of Scotland and their 
chieftains," because they were quite opposed to the 
King. At the head of a large body of his vassals Ross 
invaded the Isles, and in this expedition, which was 
crowned with success, he spent over, £1000, and, 
having brought Lachlan and Roderic of the Isles 
prisoners to the King, the latter granted to him the 
lands of Dingwall and Ferrintosh. 

Seal of William, Fourth Earl of Ross, attached to Deed of 
Homage by Baliol to Edward I. of England. 

In the troublous times which followed the deposi- 
tion of Baliol, the Earl of Ross is found acting the 
part of a patriot. In 1296 he broke ojQf with Edward 
of England, and led an army across the borders, 
devastating the country, but the expedition terminated 
in disaster, for, the Scots meeting with an over- 
whelming defeat at Dunbar, the Earl of Ross was 
taken prisoner and confined in the Tower of London, 
where he was allowed sixpence per day for his 
maintenance. He was set free three years later, and 


appointed warden beyond Spey by the English King, 
over whose interests he watched with vigilance. In 
1304 he informed Edward that the Islesmen meant 
mischief. His old antagonist Lachlan had issued 
orders to his vassals that " each davoch of land should 
furnish a galley of twenty oars." 

Eobert the Brus was at this time actively engaged, 
in the English interest, in putting down rebellion in 
Scotland. In the following February Brus met Sir 
John Comyn at Dumfries, and, perhaps, recollecting 
the scene and insult in Ettrick Forest in 1299 — when 
Sir John seized him by the throat, the quarrel was 
renewed, with the result that the Comyn was stabbed, 
and Brus perforce had to raise the standard of revolt. 

The Earl of Ross and " the men beyond the moun- 
tains " were bitterly opposed to Brus, and when the 
latter's queen and daughter sought refuge in the 
Sanctuary of St. Duthus, at Tain, they were seized by 
the Earl, and delivered prisoners to the English King. 
After a time fortune smiled upon the Brus. He did 
not forget nor forgive the Earl's conduct, and in 1307 
he invaded Ross and Sutherland — an expedition to 
which none of our historians make any reference. 
The whole power of Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness 
was assembled to oppose the Brus, but his advance 
struck such terror into the inhabitants of these 
districts that they petitioned King Edward to send 
assistance. Brus took signal vengeance upon the 


Earl, and ravaged his lands, which made him glad to 
sue for pardon and make a truce. They met at 
Auldearn, and here the Earl swore fealty ; this recon- 
ciliation being cemented by the marriage of the 
Earl's son, Hugh, with the Princess Maud, sister of 
the King. In 1312 Earl William appended his seal 
to the agreement between the Kings of Scotland and 
Norway. He led the men of Ross at the battle of 
Bannockburn, and was one of those who addressed 
the famous letter to the Pope, in 1320, asserting the 
independence of Scotland. 

Hugh, the fifth Earl of Ross, commanded the 
reserve of the Scots army at Halidon Hill. He was 
of a superstitious nature, for the English found on 
his body the shirt of St. Duthus, which was supposed 
to possess miraculous powers, although it did not 
prevent him from being slain. The shirt, it may be 
mentioned, was restored to the chapel by the English. 
This Earl married a second time, the eldest son of his 
second wife (Margaret Graham) being Hugh Ross, 
ancestor of the Rosses of Balnagown, while a daughter, 
Euphemia, became the Queen of Robert 11. 

William, the sixth Earl of Ross and Lord of Skye, 
assembled his feudal following in 1346 to assist King 
David in his expedition to England, but having basely 
murdered Ranald of the Isles, in the Monastery of 
Elcho, to escape the royal vengeance he returned with 
his men to the North. In 1366 he rose in rebellion, 

The earldom of ross. 


but was soon obliged to find security to keep the 
peace. King David Brus did not forget the Earl of 
Boss's desertion at Elcho, and refused to sanction his 
proposal to make his half-brother Hugh his heir. His 
only son had died, and his elder daughter, Euphemia, 
married Sir Walter Lesley against his will. The Earl 
seems to have been treated harshly, for he was com- 
pelled to resign all his lands in 1370, and they were 

Seal of Euphemia Ross, Queen of Robert II. 

conferred, failing heirs male of his body, upon his 
daughter Euphemia and her husband ; whom failing, 
to his younger daughter Janet (who married Sir 
Alexander Eraser of Cowie) and her heirs. Upon the 
death of the Earl of Ross, in 1372, the title devolved 
upon his daughter Euphemia, who had a son and a 
daughter by Sir Walter Lesley, viz. : — Alexander, 
Earl of Ross, and Margaret, who married Donald, 
Lord of the Isles. « 


Alexander Lesley, Earl of Ross, by his wife Isabella, 
daughter of the Duke of Albany, left an only child 
Euphemia, who, becoming a nun, illegally resigned 
the earldom in favour of her maternal uncle, John 
Stewart, Earl of Buchan. The rightful heir of Ross 
was Lady Margaret Lesley, the wife of Donald, Lord 
of the Isles. Donald w^as not the individual to quietly 
submit to be deprived of the princely possessions, 
which formed the just inheritance of his wife. He 
had never been treated with much consideration by 
his Stewart kinsfolk, for as a boy, in 1369, they con- 
stituted him a hostage for the good conduct of his 
father. Their arbitrary dealings drove Donald and 
his brothers John and Alexander to act so harshly 
and undutifully towards their mother, the Lady 
Margaret Stewart, that the Earl of Fife was instructed 
to protect her from their violence and that of their 
dependents. This so exasperated the brothers that 
in the same year (1398) they rose in rebellion, but 
were soon forced to submit, and Alexander — progeni- 
tor of the " bold Keppochs " — was imprisoned. His 
brother, Donald of the Isles, who had early returned 
to his allegiance, was appointed his keeper, but 
brotherly affection overcoming loyalty to the Crown, 
Alexander was released in 1399, without consent of 
the King. As a result, Donald was cited to appear 
before the Parliament to answer for his conduct in 
giving liberty to a " robber and waster of the kingdom " 


— the gallant Alexander " Carrach " being thus desig- 
nated by the authorities. 

The Stewarts were jealous of the power of the De 
Yles, and through their machinations the estates of 
the family were divided. Donald's patrimony was 
still so great that they viewed with alarm his acquisi- 
tion of the extensive earldom of Ross, and determined 
to prevent this vast inheritance from falling into the 
hands of so turbulent a noble. But such a princely 
possession as the modern counties of Ross and 
Cromarty, besides great estates in Sutherland, Caith- 
ness, Nairn, and Aberdeenshires, was not to be relin- 
quished without a struggle, and Donald determined 
to make good the claims of his wife by force of arms. 
In 1411 he laid waste the district of Ross, defeated 
Angus Dubh Mackay of Farr and the men of Suther- 
land at Dingwall, and marched to Buchan. He was 
met at Harlaw by the Earl of Mar — the erstwhile 
leader of caterans who had stormed the Castle of 
Kildrummy, and in this rough manner wooed and 
won the Countess of Mar and her earldom. In the 
contest which ensued was for a time decided not 
merely the rights to the titles and estates of Ross, 
but the supremacy of the Lowlander over the High- 
lander. The clansmen of Ross and the Isles — armed 
with claymore and targe — were no match for the 
chivalry of the north-east of Scotland — the mail-clad 
barons of Moray, Aberdeen, and the Mearns. The 


result was that Donald retired to the Castle of 
Dingwall, where he was besieged and forced to yield 
his pretensions, while the Earl of Buchan retained 
the titles and estates until slain at Verneuil in 1424. 
Donald of the Isles died in 1423, and when James I. 

Seal of Alexander de Yle, Lord of the Isles and 
Earl of Ross, 1440. 

returned from captivity he allowed the succession to 
the earldom to Lady Margaret Lesley, who had two 
sons by the Lord of the Isles, viz., Alexander, desig- 
nated "Master of Ross" during the lifetime of his 
mother, and Bishop Angus. She also had a daughter 
Mariot, married to Alexander Sutherland of Dunbeath. 


Alexander, the next Earl, as " Master of Ross," in 
1425 was one of the jury at the trial of the Duke of 
Albany. His mother, the Countess, incited him to 
raise the standard of revolt ; he burnt Inverness, but, 
being defeated soon after, was forced to sue for peace, 
which was refused. After holding out for a consider- 
able time he threw himself upon the King's mercy in 
1429, when he appeared before the Court, at the altar 
at Holyrood, clad only in shirt and drawers. At the 
Queen's intercession his life was spared, but he was 
confined in Tantallon Castle until pardoned in 1431 ; 
being afterwards appointed Warden of the North. 
In 1445 he entered into a treasonable league with the 
Earls of Douglas and Crawford, but died at Dingwall 
on 4th May 1448, before the conspiracy was matured, 
leaving by his wife Elizabeth (sister of the Earl of 
Huntly) a son John, and, it is said, two daughters, 
Margaret and Florence. Margaret (?) married John, 
Earl of Sutherland, while Florence married Lachlan 
Mackintosh of that ilk. The Earl of Ross had also 
two illegitimate sons — Celestine of Lochalsh, and 
Hugh, the ancestor of the Macdonalds of Sleat. Their 
notorious illegitimacy is conclusively proved by the 
fact that they were of age and married while their 
brother John, Earl of Ross, was still a minor. 

John, Earl of Ross, when in his seventeenth year, 
was urged into rebellion by Livingston of Callendar 
(who afterwards became his father-in-law), and took 


part in the risings of the great Douglases, creating a 
diversion in their favour by seizing the royal castles 
of Urquhart, Inverness, and Ruthven. An interview 
between him and the Earl of Douglas, in 1453, re- 
sulted in the naval demonstration by the men of the 
Isles, under Donald Balloch of Islay, against Ayr. 
His rebellion was suppressed, and the Lordship of 
Ross was annexed to the Crown in 1455. He was 
restored in 1456, and appointed Warden of the 
Marches, but his treason became such that it could 
not be tolerated. In 1462 he treated with the 
English King as an independent prince, and, along 
with the Earl of Douglas, made a remarkable treaty 
with Edward, whereby they became his vassals. 
Edward was, in return, to assist them to conquer 
Scotland, which was then to be partitioned between 
the Earls and Donald Balloch, 

The Earl of Ross was not slow to act up to the 
letter of this agreement. He sent his illegitimate 
brother Celestine to plunder Inverness and Moray, 
which was done so effectually that large districts were 
laid waste. For years the North was constantly kept 
in the ferment, and in 1474 energetic measures were 
decided upon. Ross usurped the King's authority, 
besieged the castle of Rothesay, and laid waste 
Bute. The Earls of Huntly and AthoU were therefore 
commanded to march against the rebels, and, driven 
from place to place, Ross was compelled to surreiider. 


His earldom was forfeited to the Crown for ever ; 
and it was not to be alienated save to the younger 
sons of the Sovereign. John was created a Lord of 
Parliament as Lord of the Isles, and, as he had no 
legitimate sons, his natural sons were to be primary 
heirs. By his wife, Elizabeth Livingstone, he had a 
daughter, Elizabeth, living in 1506. 

The Lord of the Isles was still pursued by evil 
fortune, for he was deprived of his estates by his 
lawless son Angus, whose tragic end was accomplished 
by an Irish harper, at Inverness. It was this Angus 
who was father of Donald Dubh, who set up as Lord 
of the Isles in 1503 and 1544. John was finally 
forfeited in 1493, on account of his own treason, and 
that of his nephew — Alexander of Lochalsh — son of 
Celestine, and thus it came about that the : — 

" Lord of the Isles, whose lofty name 
A thousand bards have given to fame, 
The mate of monarchs, and allied 
On equal terms with England's pride," 

died, in 1498, a royal pensioner at the Abbey of Pais- 
ley. Of his daughter Elizabeth, after 1506, nothing 
is known, so that the legal representation of the great 
Earls of Ross and Lords of the Isles devolved upon 
the wife of John, Earl of Sutherland. It must be 
noted, however, that the name of the lady who 
instituted divorce proceedings against the Earl of* 


Sutherland was " Finvol" [i.e. Florence], while his 
relict bore the Christian name of Catherine ; so that 
if genealogists are correct in saying that the first 
wife of Sutherland was a daughter of the Isles, it 
follows that she conveyed the representation of her 
family to the Earls of Sutherland. 

A Dukedom of Ross was created by James III., in 
favour of his son James, who resigned the estates 
from which he derived his title in 1503 ; and some 
years later Alexander, the posthumous son of James 
tV., was created Earl of Boss. In 1503, Donald 
Dubh, natural son of Angus — the illegitimate son of 
the last Earl of Ross and Lord of the Isles — set up 
claims to the latter dignity, but was taken prisoner. 
After forty years' confinement he again escaped, and in 
1544 rose once more in rebellion, assumed the titles 
of Ross and the Isles, and entered into a treaty with 
England. He, however, died at Drogheda in the 
following year. 

Between 1503 and 1544 several futile attempts 
were made by the family of Lochalsh, although of 
bastard descent, to recover the lordship of Ross, 
which they plundered without mercy. The Bishop of 
Caithness, who, as Chamberlain of Ross, had to hold 
the castles of Dingwall and Redcastle against the men 
of the Isles, for the better defence, secured from the 
south old " artailzalrie," with which to frighten the 
■ natives. The line of Lochalsh terminated with two 


daughters, one of whom, Margaret, married Alexander 
of Glengarry, the other becoming the wife of Dingwall 
of Kildun. As a consequence of this failure of male 
descendants of Celestine, Donald Gorm — the repre- 
sentative of the kindred illegitimate house of Sleat — 
appeared as the next claimant for the earldom. In 
1562, Donald followed Mary, Queen of Scots, every- 
where, begging that he might have the dignity. He 
was the great-great-grandson of Hugh of Sleat, and 
was so much displeased that the title was not conferred 
on him that he straightway entered into negotiations 
with the English. The title was revived in 1565, for, 
on 25th May, Henry Stewart (Lord Darnley) was 
created Earl of Eoss, and on 22nd July of same year 
the banns of marriage were proclaimed between 
" Harie Earl of Ross " and Queen Mary. At four 
o'clock the same afternoon the Earl of Ross was 
created Duke of Albany, so that the unfortunate 
Darnley was the last to enjoy the earldom, which, for 
feuing purposes, was dissolved from the Crown in 

^neas Macdonell of Glengarry became a claimant 
for the dignity, the grounds for his pretensions being 
that his great-great-grandfather had married the grand- 
dauQ-hter of the bastard Celestine of Lochalsh. Gleu- 
garry was ready to go anywhere and do anything for 
Charles L, provided he was made Earl of Ross. On 
the 30th July 1646, he wrote to King Charles from 


Castle Leod, professing loyalty and obedience, " beinge 
only desyrus that your majesty may kno of a 
particulare faithful servand to receive and act your 
commandis." At the Eestoration, on account of his 
services, he was created Lord Macdonell and Aros by 
King Charles 11. , who, it seems by the following 
petition, had granted several warrants creating him 
Earl of Ross. These did not take effect, the notorious 
illegitimacy of his descent being probably the reason. 
Coming to later times, about a century ago, Munro 
Ross of Pitcalnie made a ridiculous claim for the 
restitution of the earldom, to which he had as little 
right by descent as had the Macdonells of Glen- 

In our own day there are, it appears, designs 
upon the title and dignity of Ross, but how the 
gentlemen whose names have appeared in the public 
press, in connection with these, can advance such 
claims, it is impossible to conceive. No doubt the 
ground for their pretensions would prove interesting 
and instructive. It is sincerely to be hoped that this 
historic peerage may not meet with the fate of some of 
our ancient Scots dignities, and be linked with names 
unworthy to bear the honours of the potent families 
of De Ros and De Yle, who so frequently measured 
their strength with their sovereigns. 

Lord Macdonell petitioned the " King's most 
excellent Majesty " thus :— ^ 


" Your Majesty's petitioner having, in consideration of his 
service and sufferings for your crown and interest, received 
from your Sacred Majesty several warrants under your royal 
hand and signet for creating the petitioner Earl of Eoss, and 
bestowing upon him the rents and revenues thereof, with 
several other benefits promised to the petitioner on the above 
considerations as they appear written by your Majesty's ovl^n 
royal hand or your late Secretary Sir Eichard Nicholas, who 
very well knoweth the grounds and reasons that induced your 
Majesty to confer the said grants upon him. That the Earl 
of Lauderdale, principal Secretarie for Scots affairs, being in 
Scotland, and the time of his return uncertain and the 
petitioner very much straitened by the long-continued attend- 
ance here ; that for your Sacred Majesty's better information 
of the petitioner's services and sufferings, and how far your 
Majesty is concerned in Honour and justice to make effectual 
the above warrants and promises to him, by such further 
authority as your Majesty shall think fit to the said Earl of 
Lauderdale, by whom your Majesty's further pleasure in your 
petitioner's behalf must regularly be despatched. 

" The petitioner most humbly requests that your Majesty 
would be graciously pleased to refer examination of above- 
mentioned warrants and others to Sir Edward Nicholas, or 
other Minister of the State as to your Majesty shall seem 
meet, so that your Majesty may better understand the equity 
of your petitioner's desires, and thereby with greater ease 
despatch authority to the Earl of Lauderdale as shall seem 
meet for making effectual the said warrants and royal promises, 
and the petitioner will ever pray." 

Note. — " Whitehall, 6th September 1663.— His Majesty's 
pleasure is to refer examination of the above warrants to Sir 
Henry Bennett, Secretary of State, and report the whole matter 
to his Majesty, with his opinion what is fit further for his 
Majesty to do for making good the contents thereof." 



The Highlanders of Scotland have ever been re- 
garded with peculiar affection by their sovereigns, 
notwithstanding their turbulence and contempt for 
all authority. The Stuarts led many expeditions into 
their country : took many of their chiefs captive — 
executing not a few — ^just for example's sake ; yet 
often in the hour of need the men of that wide domain 
of heath-clad hills and romantic dales became the chief 
bulwark of the Scottish throne. It is, therefore, not 
surprising that, when the Prince of Orange came to 
Britain, to assume the Crown of the luckless Stuarts, 
he should regard the Highlanders with especial 
solicitude. They were men of mettle as proved in 
the compaigns of Montrose and Dundee, " but un- 
fortunately," according to King William, " many of 
them had wrong ideas " — a too fervent love for the 
Auld Stuarts, and too great a spirit of independence. 
William professed to be very anxious to cultivate the 
friendship and win the regard of the mountaineers, 
and the Records of the Secret Council contain pro- 
posals intended to prevent their being imposed upon, 


" and if any were so incorrigible as to suffer them- 
selves to make their native country the stay of war and 
desolation they are to be detained in safe custody." 

As is well known the North had not yet settled 
down after the brilliant compaign of Dundee, and a 
great amount of discontent existed because of the 
heavy exactions of the army — which seemingly had 
been allowed to deal rather freely with the effects of 
the people. Special arrangements were made for the 
maintenance of the soldiery in order to remedy this 
state of matters, for, on 10th February 1691, the 
Lords of Privy Council having considered a petition 
given in to them : — 

" Be the heretors, feuars, wadsetters, liferenters, and others 
of the shyres of Aberdeen, Banff, Moray, Nairn, and Inver- 
ness, compleaning of severall abuses committed against them 
be severalls of their Majesties forces, and particularly these 
within the garrisons in the said shyres, by illegal and arbit- 
rary exactions in imposing great and exorbitant quantities of 
meal, malt, salt, plaids, wedders, candles, peat and others ; 
and exacting the same without payment, and sometimes con- 
verting the same in money at an exorbitant pryce, quartering 
until they get payment of the said pryce, and other sums 
which they think fit to impose and exact upon pretence of 
deficiency. The said Lords appoint tryal to be taken before 
the Commissioners of Supply within the respective shyres, in 
terms of the Council's proclamation anent the accompts 
resting be the army to the country — of what quantities of 
meal, malt, salt, plaids, wedders, candles, peat, and others, 
have been exacted from the petitioners without payment ; 
and what sums have been exacted as the pryces thereof when 
the same was converted into money or for deficiency ; also 


what expense the. petitioners had been at on accompt of 
quarterings for the said exactions and deficiencies, and by 
what forces these exactions have been made, and appoints the 
same to be reported to the Lords of Privy Council, and the 
said Lords discharge the exacting of coal and candles from 
the said shyres except as to the burghs and other places 
where soldiers are actually quartered, and, in the meantime, 
discharges all exactions and quarterings on the inhabitants of 
said shyres otherwise than is provided by the laws and Acts 
of Parliament of this kingdom until further order." 

For many generations the Castle of Kuthven in 
Badenoch was a place of some consequence, and it 
was in its defence, prior to the battle of Glenlivet, 
that the Macphersons or Clan Vurrich first obtained 
prominence. Lately it was said to have been totally 
demolished by Dundee, and although there is no 
record of its re-erection certain it is in 1690-91 it 
was occupied by a garrison under Captain Hugh 
Mackay of Borley and Lieutenant Alexander Mackay 
who were placed in command by Major-General 
Mackay. That the castle was in a state of disrepair 
is evident from the petition of Captain Mackay to 
the Lords of Council. He had been ordered to carry 
out certain fortifications — make pallisades and breast- 
works, and he had exjjended considerable sums in 
putting the place into a state of defence. Conse- 
quently he desired the Lords of Privy Council, on 
27th January 1691, to appoint a commission to esti- 
mate his expenditure in repairing the fortress in order 
that he might be refunded his outlay. The council 


to this end granted warrant to any two of the com- 
missioners of Inverness to value the works, call wit- 
nesses and report. In terms thereof Mackay by 
Instrument desired Lachlan Mackintosh of Torcastle, 
and William Mackintosh of Borlum to call before 
them all masons, wrights, and smiths, to make valua- 
tion of the repairs done within and without the 
garrison. Agreeably to this requisition these Com- 
missioners convened before them men of good fame 
and reputation who did, upon oath, value the said 
repairs " to the sum of £2016, 7s. 6d. Scots by and 
attour the pains and trouble of the soldiers employed." 
Mackay therefore claimed payment of this sum, and 
his petition was remitted to the Lords of the Treasury 
with what result is uncertain. 

The fortification of Ruthven, Inverness, and other 
places, went on apace during the next few years, and, 
notwithstanding the ordinance already quoted, the 
exactions from the people increased. In 1691 Inver- 
ness spent over £6536 upon barricades and other 
defences, as certified by Hugh Fraser of Belladrum 
and William Fraser of Erchite — besides having ad- 
vanced to the officers of Kenmure's regiment, then 
quartered in the town, upwards of £2544. Two days 
later, on 5th March 1601, an order was made that Sir 
James Leslie, the Commandant of the garrison, should 
receive shovels, spades and other requisites, together 
with the sum of £2000. 


All this activity betokened a growing sense of in- 
security and unrest, for the people resented exactions 
which were still levied upon them, and quietly pre- 
pared to resist. Among the first to remonstrate 
were the men of Badenoch, who had apparently been 
plundered by the Mackays, stationed at Ruthven. 

It is curious to note that Mackintosh of Borlum, 
who, on this occasion, acted as a leader of the people 
of Badenoch, two years later incurred their displeasure, 
and was denounced as a man who could give points 
to " Auld Nick." The signatures to the Ultimatum 
which was sent to the Commander of the garrison at 
Ruthven, will be found in the fac-simile of the curious 
deed : — 

Sir, — We understand by Borlum, our bailie, that you desire 
to knowe this day our resolutiones anent the furnisheing you 
coall and candell without payment. You knowe verie wcele 
how heavie that burden has lyen upon us, and that it has so 
exhausted us that much of our country is waisted, and there- 
for we doe assure you by these that we will not advance you 
any more coall or candell without pay, because there is noe 
law for it, and you may as weele take away all our property 
by force and violence as impose upon us any taxes arbitrary 
without author! tie or law. Property and libertie is the thing 
we contend for against arbitrary power, and resolves to 
adhere to the Act of Counsell and Secretary's letter in our 
favoures as the final resolution of 

Your humble servantes 

Will. M'intoshe of Borlum {etc.) 
EuTHVEN, Vlth Aug. 1697. 


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The history of the rising of 1715 has never been 
sketched in detail, so far as the North is concerned. 
It will be seen, from the documents which are here 
published, that materials abound, and that an interest- 
ing field is still open to the historian. 

Kenneth Mackenzie, third Earl of Seaforth, married 
his kinswoman Isabel Mackenzie of Cromarty — a 
marriage which nearly led to the downfall of his 
family. The son of this union, Kenneth, fourth Earl, 
died at Paris in 1701, leaving, by his wife Lady 
Frances Herbert of Powis, two sons — William, fifth 
Earl, and Alexander. Between Countess Frances and 
her mother-in-law a bitter feud sprung up, and the 
latter's selfishness nearly led to the sale of the 
Seaforth estates in 1712. This calamity was only 
averted by the exertions and ability of Countess 
Frances, whose sacrifices saved to her son the ancestral 
possessions, which otherwise would have passed to 
the families of Applecross and Cromarty. 

Earl William is said to have been a wilful boy, full 
of courage, devoted to his clansmen, and ardently 


desirous of an opportunity of leading them against 
the foe. In April 1715 the relations between himself 
and his mother were anything but cordial, for, against 
her wishes, he married Mary Kennet of Cowhow, a 
very amiable young lady. The young Countess soon 
won the warm affection and confidence of the Dowager, 
and they both united in an endeavour to prevent 
Seaforth becoming involved in Jacobite schemes. 

Their persuasions were unavailing : Seaforth's dear 
friend was Mackintosh, the grand old Jacobite Laird 
of Borlum. The latter's influence induced the 
Mackenzie chief to lend a willing ear to the proposals 
of John, Earl of Mar. His vanity was flattered by 
Borlum's polite and effusive letters. Indeed, his head 
seems to have been turned by the compliments 
showered upon him by the Jacobite leaders, and 
by-and-by he came to regard himself as a second 
Alexander the Great, to whom he had been compared. 
It was in vain that his mother pointed out that 
absolute ruin would result from countenancing the 
Stuart cause under so incapable a leader as Mar. 
His wife implored him to consider his very dangerous 
position, hemmed in, as he certainly would be, by 
the Hanoverian Earl of Sutherland, with Munro of 
Foulis on the one hand, and the Lairds of Moray- 
shire on the other. He commanded them to "be 
silent, and upbraided them with possessing neither 
the spirit, courage, or virtues of the Spartan mothers." 


An urgent message from Mar decided him to 
support the Jacobites with all his power, and it was 
this assurance which led Mar to raise his standard. 
Much depended on the power of the high Chief of 
Kintail. Seaforth, however, little reckoned with the 
influence held over his clansmen by his wife and 
mother. It was only when he summoned his prin- 
cipal retainers to meet him at Brahan, on the 9th 
of September, that the non-appearance of the most 
influential of his vassals convinced him there was 
some likelihood of trouble ahead. A great body of 
his head men disapproved of the reckless way in which 
he desired to plunge into the vortex of rebellion, and 
in the following letter advised his more orderly pro- 
ceeding in an undertaking of such dire consequence 
to all of them : — 

" Most Honourable, — It's hoped your lordship will not be 
surprised, nor yet offended, at our absence this day, since it 
was out of no disregard nor want of the duty and respect we 
owe your lordship, but purely from the tender concern we 
have of your true honour and interest in the present posture 
of affairs which to us at this critical juncture, that ly at soe 
great a distance from intelligence, appear so dubious that we 
cannot yet make a distinct judgement farr less offer advice 
suitable to the present exigencies of soe great importance. 
And as we still retain the same inclinations to your person 
and interest, soe we doubt not to acquitt ourselves good 
kinsmen, but also loyall subjects when a fair opportunity 

" Wee are sorry to hear that the numerous meeting this 
day (which might easely have excused the absence of a few) 


came to noe resolution, nor yet proposed measures for your 
lordship's more orderly proceeding on the present undertaking, 
which can be attributed to noe other thing but the want of 
tyme, and a due consideration of the importance of the matter 
in hand, which though it seemed but ligal and triviall to them, 
yet to us of the last consequence to your lordship, and us, our 
lives, libertys, and fortune being all at stake, and if the worst 
should happen, at the mercy of a Government from whom 
wee are to expect noe quarter. 

" Our first reason is, we judge it not proper any riseing be 
made on our part till ascertained of the K's. landing, and his 
declaration with a particular Commission directed to your 
lordship, made known to us. Nixt wee humbly think that such 
publick meetings for concerting matters of that nature are 
of most dangerous consequence in the construction of Law, 
both to your lordship, and us as we are at present stated, and 
therefore our absence ought to be the sooner excused, our 
mutuall safety depending thereon. 

" In the third place wee consider your country and friends 
were never worse prepared for such ane enterprise, both as 
to officers, arms, amunition, and other necessary provisions. 
These being the sinews of Warr cannot be wanting ere men 
be levied to enter upon any expedition. 

" In the last place we cannot but show our dislike in some 
measure to the methods proposed by the E. of M., which to 
us seem to tend to hurry your lordship into measures that in 
the event may prove prejudicial! to you, and ruinous to us, 
and that the rather that wee are made to understand his 
lordship is in terms with the Government, and may except 
a favourable acceptance : upon all which considerations we 
concluded your lordship would not vouchsafe your presence to 
this dayes meeting, but rather sent a friend to comune with 
them, as was last night insinuate, and though the state of our 
health will not allow us in this season of the year to go to the 
field, yet we want not inclination to serve that cause in all we 
are able, nor do we diswade your lordship from it, only that we 


begg matters may be gone about with that deliberation and 
conduct might be expected from a person of your prudence and 
discretion, and not runn rashly into measures that cannot be 
soe easily retrieved. Soe begging your lordship's pardon for 
what now effers though unsigned be us for reasons, wee 
remain, — Most Honourable, your lordship's most obedient 
and humble servants. 

"September 9th, 1715. 

"PS. — This dayes meeting makes it absolutely necessary 
you take better care of yourself than hitherto, and cause have 
a watchful eye over all spyes and strangers that come about, 
and cause guard all fferries and passes, and pack up immedi- 
ately every thing that's valuable in your house, and committ 
the secret of it to but a few trusted servants. 

" We are likewise of opinion that expresses be immediately 
sent off to Sir Donald M'^Donald, the Laird of M^Kinan and 
the tutor of Macleod, to see if they cordially now joyne their 
men with yours, and on sight to bring them in to the main- 
land for the better suppressing of the insults of our enemies 
at home who will certainly be ready on the Erl of Sutherland's 
arrivall, which we think will make it absolutely necessary, 
that your lordship with your men in conjunction with those 
above mentioned remain in the countrye, it being better 
service done the cause than by marching Southward. The 
securing our little effects, and others goeing for intelligence 
necessarly obliges us to send this instead of waiting your 
lordship as we purposed." 

The above representation was not without effect, 
but the action of Mackintosh of Borlum precipitated 
matters. He marched into Inverness at the head of 
his men, and, bareheaded, proclaimed King James, 
on the 15th of September. Immediately thereafter, 


Seaforth definitely decided to take the field, and 
wrote out the following list of his officers : — 

" To the first company of Kintail men — John MacEae, 
Captain ; Duncan MacRae, Christopher's son, Lieutenant ; 
Kenneth Macluran, Ensigne. 

" To the Second Company of do. — John Mackenzie, Captain ; 
Kenneth M'^Ea, Lieut. ; Colin Murchison, Ensigne. 

" To the Lochalsh Company — John Murchison of Auchter- 
tyre. Captain ; George (?) Matheson, Livetenant ; John M'^Ea 
of Conchra, Ensigne. 

" To the Lochcarron Comp. — John Mackenzie, John Oig's 
son, Capt. ; Muldowig (?), Livetenant ; Kenneth Mackenzie 
of Culdren, Ensigne. 

" To the mixt Company — Hiltoun, Capt. ; Eory Mackenzie 
in Dalmartin, Lieut. ; Kenneth Mackenzie in Slumbay, 

" To the Strathconon men — Alex. Mackenzie, uncle to 
Fairbairn, Capt. ; Kenneth Mackenzie, brother to Fairburn, 
Lieut. ; George Fraser, Ensigne. 

" Eory Coul's son to name his Livetenant and Ensigne of 
whom if found fitt my lord will approve. (Names his son 
Colin Lieut. ; and Kenneth M'^Iver, Leekmelm's son. Ensign.) 

" To Ensay's Company to be named by my lord when he 
considers who is fitt for it. (John Mackenzie in Skim bay, 
Lieut. ; John Matheson in Bellmacharron (?), Ensigne.) 

" To the Assint Company — Macleod of Sallachy, Livetenant ; 
and Jno. Matheson in Bellmacarra, Ensigne. 

"To the Garloch men — Shildag and Murdow Mackenzie, 
Lieuts. ; Henry Mackenzie, Ensigne ; and Murdo Mackenzie 
of Letterewe, lykewise Ensigne. 

" The Livetenants and Ensignes of the Lochbroom men to 
be named by their Captains, and their names transmitted to 
my lord in order to approve or not, and in the meantime 
recommends young Sand to be a Lieut. 

" To Eedcastle's Company — Young Highfield, Captane ; 


John ffraser in Loggie, Livetent; and Keneth Mackenzie, 

" To Hilltoun (sic Killwins) Company to be named by 

" To Fairburn's Company, do. 

" To the Ardmanoch Company my lord will consider on a 
Livetenant and Ensigne, and in the meantime Applecross 
to cause any official he pleases as their Lieut. 

" Applecrosse, elder, to name the officers of his Company . 
(He names young Applecrosse, Capt. ; Ken. Mackenzie, Lieut. ; 
and Alexander Mackenzie, Ensigne.) 

" To Kildins Company — Kenneth Mackenzie, merchant in 
Stornoway, Ensigne ; and J. MacAulay in Brayad (?), Live- 

" To Auchiltys — ^Eory Mackenzie, his brother, Ensigne ; 
John. MacAulay in Kirkinpost (sic), Livetenant. 

" To Normand Macleod — Mr Kenneth Maclver, Live- 
tenant ; and Maclver in Caldernish, Ensigne. 

" Notwithstanding of the above nomination of the Lewes 
Livetenants and Ensignes, my lord referrs to their Captaines 
to have others, if they think them more proper, and to trans- 
mit their names to his lordship that he may examine whether 
or not they are fitt." 

Meanwhile Robert Munro of Foulis secretly 
assembled his clansmen and others, with the intention 
of securing Inverness. Intimation was sent to Sea- 
forth of a movement among the Munroes, and he, 
accompanied by a few friends, hurried to watch the 
passes and roads. He also sent messengers in every 
direction to raise his men. While Munro was on the 
march towards Dingwall, he was met by a messenger 
from Seaforth, with the " request that he should 
return home and live peaceably, unless it was his 


intention to throw in his lot with the Jacobites." 
Finding the whole country in arms, Munro was obliged 
to retrace his steps, and fortify Foulis Castle. 

Next day Seaforth reviewed his men near Dingwall. 
During the progress of the parade he received a 
message from Borlum to the effect that, as he was 
about to join the Earl of Mar, it was desirable that a 
body of Mackenzies should occupy Inverness. Sea- 
forth accordingly set out with a large body of men, 
and after having installed Sir John Mackenzie of Coul 
as Governor of the town, returned to his own country 
to protect it. 

The Earl of Sutherland, of whom great things were 
expected, left Leith on the 25th of September. Three 
days later he arrived at Dunrobin, whence he issued 
orders to his vassals to assemble on a plain near the 
Little Ferry. From the boatmen's receipt it would 
appear that only 280 men were ferried over, but at 
Coul they were joined by the tacksmen of TorboU, Cam- 
busavie, and Aberscross, each with twenty men. At 
Tain he was met by Lord Reay and a party of Rosses, 
and with about 800 men, many of whom were merely 
armed with long spear-pointed poles, he marched to 
Alness, where he arrived on the 5th October. On the 
following day he reviewed his forces. They mustered, 
according to one account, over eighteen hundred men ; 
the Earl himself estimated that " he had command of 
twelve hundred good men." These he drew up in 


order of battle ; placing Lord Keay, Ross of Braelang- 
well, and Mackay of Scourie on the right. Lord 
Strathnaver, with the men of Sutherland, occupied 
the centre ; while the Munroes under Foulis, the 
Lairds of Culrain, Newmore, and Culcairn were placed 
on the left. 

The Earl of Seaforth, hearing of the gathering, 
determined to disperse it. Being joined by Sir Donald 
Macdonald and others, he proceeded to Alness to attack 
Sutherland. The following dispatch to the Earl of 
Mar gives an interesting account of Seaforth's pro- 
ceedings and an amusing anecdote regarding Lord 
Reay, who, in turning his back upon the foe, followed 
the hereditary custom in his family : — 

" After I returned Fowls from his attempt on the town of 
Inverness which he designed to possess, under pretence of 
relieving the house of Culloden, that was given out to be 
besieged by the Laird of Macintosh, Fowls applied to the 
Earl of Sutherland (who had but then arrived from London) 
as Lieutenant of most of the Northern Shires, who, with 
all the forces he could raise of his own tenants, vassals and 
dependents, in conjunction with my Lord Eeay, the Gunns of 
the Glen, mosi of the Rosses, and several others joined Fowls 
younger at Alnes : who with all the forces the Munros could 
make incamped there, where, when all mett they gave up 
themselves to make a body of three or four thousand men ; 
and for the speedier execution of their design which (as they 
confidently boasted) was to batter down the House of Rrahan, 
possess themselves of the Town of Inverness, overrun entirely 
my Lord Seaforth's haill lands uud all other opposers, they 
not only got six pieces of Cannon (with amuuitiuu conform) 


from a man-of-war in the road of Cromarty, but also had a 
consert with six hundred of the Grants, 200 of Kilravock's 
men, 100 from Brodie, 100 from CuUoden, and some of the 
Stratherrick ffrasers to come by sea to the said camp, for 
which intent there were several vassals sent them from the 
firth of Cromarty. 

" In the meantime, I being joined by Sir Donald M'Donald 
and having a considerable body of resolute men, upon Satur- 
day the 8th of October marched from Dingwall through the 
hills into Strathskeery (?), and on my way my scouts espyed 
some horse and foot of the enemy to whom they gave chase ; 
and in the retreat shot one of the foot (who thereafter dyed 
of his wounds) through the knee, from whom intelligence was 
had of the enemies camp, and of young Fowls being one of 
them that were chased. 

" That night I camped at the Clairs (a little village per- 
taining to Fowls) ; the next morning (being Sunday the 9th) 
I march'd eastward through the mountains with design (if 
possible) to attack the enemy that day, but when I came to 
the Boaths, a place pertaining to Munro of Novarr, four miles 
distant from the enemies camp, it was found impracticable to 
reach them that (day). Therefore I encamped there; and 
had reports from persons secured by my outer guards that 
the enemy's deserted their camp, march'd towards the hills, 
and intended to attack me ; wherefore I doubled my guards 
and ordered all the army to rest on their arms over night. 

" Next morning (the 10th) I marched by break of day, and 
sent off several scouts as well to view the place where the 
enemy encamped at Alnes, as to spy those mountains to which 
they were said to resort, as according as I should be informed, 
I might attack them in either of the places. 

" But ere I marched three miles off, I was certainly in- 
formed that the day before, about 12 of the clock in the 
forenoon, the enemy (on having assurance of my approach) 
left their camp with all precipitation and disorder, being so 
struck with terrour that the most of them threw off their 


plaidis, cast away their arms, and left their cannon, which 
was that night conveyed to the Man of Warr from whence 
they came, and the confusion was so great that the Earle of 
Sutherland, the Lords of Strathnaver and Eeay, with several 
other persons of note crossed the Bonah, which is the only 
entry into Sutherland, with 40 men only, leaving the rest of 
their army to make their passage the best way they could in 
order to return to their respective homes without any deter- 
mined resolution. Fowls younger, with such as did not 
desert him of his own followers (being left behind) er day 
returned (by the hills) to his castle of ffowls (all the time) 
garrisoned and fortified by his father. 

" In this retreat there is one passage that ought not to be 
omitted (to witt) the Lord Eeay (who left his sumpture 
cloath and some other of his furniture and baggage) his 
beating one of his servants, who offered to take up one of 
his lordship's hulster capes that had fallen, telling him how 
durse he expose them so much to the resolute following 
enemy as to waite such a trifle, and that hulster capes would 
be easily had, but not lives. 

" I finding the enemy thus flown away and passed to 
Sutherland where they could not be easily reached, by reason 
of their carrying all the boats to, and secureiug on, the other 
side, marched to the pairt where they encamped att Alnes, 
where I stayed all night, and finding it a centriall place 
betwixt the Eosses and Munroes, I continued there next 
day, and sent to Fowls the other principal men of the Munroes 
and all the Eosses to (come under my?) protection, and 
secure for their peaceable behaviour otherwayes to expect to 
be treated as enemies. 

" "While I waited the message sent to ffowles and others, 
most of those in Murrey (formerly named) boated at Nairn 
(or thereabout) on Tuesday the 4th, and came to Sandwick in 
Eoss at 8th hour that night, intenduig to join the Earle of 
Sutherland, but before they landed but 40 of their men tliey 

had intelligence that the Earl of Sutherland's camp was 



dissipate and that I possessed their ground ; whereupon they 
immediately returned to their boats and stired for the port 
from which they sailed, leaving no other memory of their 
expedition but the slaughter of some few sheep they found in 
a cottage at the shoar. 

" Upon Wedensday the 12th I detached my Lord Duffus 
with 300 men by 8 o'clock in the morning, to proclaim the 
king at the Mercat Cross of Taine, and to summond in his 
Majesties name the Magistrates and community to give up 
their arms and secure for their peaceable behaviour, and some 
hours thereafter I went myself with some horse to Kincraig's 
house, a loyal gentleman of my own name, hard by which Sir 
Wm Gordon of DalphoUy's lady with his brethren and friends 
keep'd a garrison in his house of Inverbreakie. 

" The lady (who at my first approach to Alness) was for- 
saken by her husband's brethren and most of his friends, sent 
a gentleman for my protection who mett me on my way to 
Kincraig with whom I sent a gentleman to assure her that as 
my master the King required nothing at present of his subjects 
but due obedience and loyalty, so I was very willing to give 
protection in his Majesties name to all that would come in to 
these measures, and would give up their arms and amunitiou 
secure for their peaceable behaviour ; on which conditions the 
same was offered to her. 

" Upon receipt of this message the lady made patent doors ; 
entreated I should cause enter the house to receive what arms 
she acknowledged to have, and consented a search should be 
made for such arms and ammunition if thought to be there ; 

which accordingly being done there was some to 

the Camp. 

" As I was at Kincraig several of the name of Eoss, Macleod 
of Cadboll, Macleod of Guinys, the Tutor of Pilton and 
others, attended me in obedience to the message sent them, 
and required to 12 o'clock in the forenoon, Friday the 14th, 
to perform all that was required of them ; which, upon their 
parolis of honour not only to do that, but also to endeavour 


to bring in all the other Eosses to the same measures, was 
granted them. 

" My Lord Duffus arrived at Tain at 12 of the clock in the 
forenoon, and proclaimed his Majesty (assisted by the Magis- 
trates) at the Mercat Cross thereof, with ringing of Bells and 
all other solemnities that the place could afford, and thereafter 
drink several loyal healths which most of the Magistrates and 
council did very cheerfully, and promised to live peaceably ; 
but there was but very few arms found in the town, they being 
taken away formerly by the Earl of Sutherland. 

"The next day being Thursday the 13th, his lordship 
returned to the Camp by two in the afternoon, having sent a 
small number of his party to search for those that stood out, 
and secure the boats of several ferries being used by the 

" The same afternoon severalls of those gentlemen that 

brought a few arms (and Munro of Teyninick) who 

was taken prisoner by the outer guards upon Monday the 10th 
as he was endeavouring to get privately to his house, being 
one of the principal gentlemen of that name is still in 

The Earl of Sutherland, to excuse his retreat, de- 
clared that he merely dismissed his army in order that 
they might secure their crops, the preceding years 
being so bpd that there was almost a famine in the 

After the dispersion of the Earl of Sutherland's 
army Seaforth sent a body of men to watch the 
Munroes, and to proclaim King James at Cromarty. 
In a letter, dated 3rd November 1715, Robert Munro 
of Foulis complains that the " Goths and Vandalls 
never shewed more l)arbarity than the Earl of Seaforth 


practised on my people . . . ravishing of women, 
burning houses, barns, and corn, and killing all the 
cattle they could find ; stripping women and children, 
and pillaging everything they could find in their 

It is beyond question that some of Seaforth's men 
committed excesses, but there is contemporary evidence 
to show that in writing the above Munro was guilty 
of exaggeration. The account given of Seaforth's pro- 
ceedings by Munro of Culcairn is more to be relied 
upon, and he says that in some instances " a few men 
of disreputable character did damage wantonly, and 
their proceedings are said by Seaforth's enemies to 
have been countenanced by him." 

At Cromarty the Mackenzies received a warm re- 
ception from Captain Stewart, of the " Royal Ann," 
who threatened to lay the place in ashes if a rebel durst 
set foot in it. One or two shots dispersed them, and 
prevented their getting possession of nine cannon 
which lay on the point of Cromarty. Seaforth re- 
called his men, and towards the close of October 
marched south to join the Earl of Mar at Perth. On 
1st November he passed Blair Castle with about two 
thousand men, having left 500 men with Sir John 
Mackenzie of Coul at Inverness. 

Three days thereafter, Inverness was invested by 
Hugh Rose, Baron of Kilravock, and Forbes of Cul- 
loden. The circumstances attending the capture of 


Inverness have been so misrepresented that it is 
necessary to give the version which is supported by 
documentary evidence. On the 3rd of November 
Kilravock and CuUoden " wrote to the Magistrates of 
Inverness requesting them to urge upon Sir John the 
necessity of evacuating the garrison." They replied 
on the same day that they were powerless and desti- 
tute of all authority. Sir John, that same afternoon, 
sent messages to Macdonald of Keppoch and the 
Mackintoshes to come to his assistance. On the 5th 
November Lovat appeared at Inverness with 120 
Frasers — most of the Lovat retainers being at Perth 
with Fraserdale. Lovat immediately marched out to 
reconnoitre, and being joined, on the 7th, by Kilravock, 
Culloden, and others to the number of 500 men and 
30 horse, he proceeded to attack Keppoch, who retired 
to the hills. The party then advanced into the Mack- 
intosh country ; but as the Mackintoshes declared 
that they had only risen to protect their lands from 
Keppoch, Lovat and his companions returned to Inver- 
ness, the Frasers taking up a position to the west of 
the river. 

The Baron of Kilravock then wrote to Sir John 
Mackenzie, who was his son-in-law, to render the place 
immediately, and to this letter Sir John replied that 
he would give a definite answer in a few days. Un- 
fortunately, on the 10th, a tragic incident occurred. 
Arthur Rose, brother of Kilravock, and Robert Rose 


of Blackhilk, who were in command of the Baron's 
vassals, at the head of a party of ten men determined 
to seize the place. They surprised one of the lieutenants 
on sentry, and Arthur Rose, seizing him by the throat, 
presented a pistol to his breast, commanding him to 
goto the door of the Tolbooth and cry " Open." This 
was done, but when Rose had partially entered the 
door there was a cry of " The enemy ! the enemy ! " 
and the door being closed with violence, his body was 
crushed and riddled with bullets. 

Sir John immediately wrote to Kilravock a letter of 
condolence, and enclosed passports to enable him and 
his friends to attend the funeral in town. Kilravock 
was so furious that he did not avail himself of this 
permission, but his son, accompanied by Sir Archibald 
Campbell, Forbes of CuUoden, Robert Rose of Black- 
hills, and others, attended the burial of Arthur Rose, 
at which Sir John and his officers were also j)resent. 
Sir Archibald seized the opportunity to impress upon 
Sir John that he had better render the town, for other- 
wise Kilravock was determined to reduce it to ashes. 
Mackenzie then wrote to Kilravock imploring him " to 
take no further proceedings, since he was willing to 
surrender on terms to be adjusted between them." 
They met on the 11th at a small burn to the East of 
Inverness — probably Milburn — and then Mackenzie 
undertook to deliver up the place, provided Kilravock 
would let him pass with his men to Perth. This was 


sternly refused, but after consulting Duncan Forbes of 
Culloden, Kilravock agreed to let Mackenzie return 
home in safety. Having subscribed this agreement, 
Mackenzie formally delivered up the town to Kilravock 
and Culloden, and "in the. forenoon of the 12th, 
marched out with his men with pipes playing and 
banners flying." Such is the true account of the 
capture of Inverness, and with the result of Lovat's 
misrepresentation of the transaction we shall deal 
later on. 

Seaforth did not add to his reputation by his conduct 
at Sheriffmuir. Instead of putting himself at the 
head of his men, " he stood in the rear, surrounded by 
forty of his mounted clansmen, who acted as his body 
guard." Lord Duffus tried in vain to get him to lead 
his men on foot. He then returned to the North with 
the intention of retaking Inverness, and on the 27th 
December preparations were made to attack him. The 
Earl of Sutherland sent Thomas Robertson at 11 p.m. 
that night to Castle Downie, to negotiate between 
Lovat and Seaforth. In the early morning Robertson 
set out for Brahan, and persuaded Countess Frances 
to accompany him to Beauly, where they arrived at 
12 noon. Immediately afterwards Lovat made his 
appearance at the head of the Frasers, Sutherlands, 
and Munroes, and in the " politest language told the 
lady that unless her son submitted, he (Lovat) and his 
warriors would attack him, and wipe every rebel 


Mackenzie off the face of the earth." This terrible 
threat "in no way moved the lady, who with a hearty 
burst of laughter turned to meet the Earl of Suther- 
land, who was approaching on horseback." The 
Countess desired the Earl to intercede with the King for 
Seaforth, and there and then the Earl sent a dispatch 
to Court, pleading for pardon for Seaforth. Lovat at 
this juncture seized pen and paper, and wrote out an 
" undertaking " for Seaforth to sign ; the Countess, on 
behalf of her son, agreeing to disperse the Mackenzies. 
She returned to Brahan, but Seaforth declined to sign 
the document submitted by Lovat. He, however, 
signed the following obligation : — 

" Wee, William, Marquis of Seafort, doe promise upon 
honour to Simon Lord Lovat, commanding his Majesty's forces 
near Inverness, to disperse and dissipate my men immediately, 
and to set at liberty the gentlemen of the name of Munro 
detained by my orders, and not to take arms, or appear 
against his Majesty King George, or his Government, till the 
return of the Earl of Sutherland's express from Court ; pro- 
viding that neither I, nor my friends, country, or people, be 
molested or troubled till the said return from Court. Given 
at Brahan this 30th of December." 

As there seemed to be no pardon or hope for him, 
he broke off negotiations. General Wightman and 
Lord Lovat with their forces then marched against 
him, and from January to March attempted to force 
the Mackenzies to deliver up their arms. On 20th 
March they met a party of Mackenzies at Torahill, 


above Contin, and took some prisoners — the Earl 
of Cromarty and Mackenzie of Inschculter being 
among the number. Lovat wrote a orlowino; account 
of his operations against the enemy, and urged that 
influence might be brought to bear to convict Fraser- 
dale, and oust him from the Lovat estates. By 
the third of April 1716 Lo vat's remission for his 
former misdeeds passed the Great Seal. Immediately 
this was done, he began to discredit the loyalists of 
the North, and did not scruple to assume all the 
honour of the capture of Inverness, and the suppression 
of the Jacobites. 

General Wightman seems to have acted very harsh- 
ly towards the Seaforth ladies, for on the 5th of April 
Countess Frances wrote to General Cadogan, complain- 
ing that her carriage and horses had been taken away. 
She desired at the same time a passport for the young 
Countess to go to Cowhow, and thence to London, to 
plead for her husband. 

Cadogan's reply runs thus : — 

" Inverness, 6th April 1716. 

" Madam, — I have just now received the honour of your 
Ladyship's letter of the 5th instant, and for the other you 
mention, it did not come to my hand till I was on my march 
from Perth to this place, which hindered me from acknowledg- 
ing it sooner. I send enclosed a passport for my Lady 
Seaforth to go to Edinburgh, and I have writ to the Secretary 
of State to desire a permission for her Ladyship to continue 
on her journey to Durham, and I doubt not but that it will 


be gianted. I am very sorry her coach and horses were taken 
away, and mine are at her Ladyship's service. There is an 
indispensable necessity for leaving a garrison at Brahan till 
my Lord Seaforth comes in and his people give up their arms, 
as their neighbours have done ; and indeed it appears un- 
accountable that his Lordship, who was one of the first who 
offered to submit, should be one of the last to do it. If your 
Ladyship desires protection for your house and goods, I am 
ready to give it, and have ordered the garrison to pay exactly 
for everything furnished them. This is all I can do for your 
Ladyship's service, and I have the honour to be, with the most 
profound respect. Madam, your Ladyship's most obedient and 
most humble servant, " Wm. Cadogan. 

" I beg your Ladyship's pardon for making use of another 
hand, since I am not well enough recovered of my fall to 
write with my own." 

She also wrote to Lovat to intercede with Cadogan. 
This, according to his own account, he did, and the 
following letters from him to the Countess are 
characteristic. The letter of the 8th April is specially 
interesting, because Lovat's delight at the terrible 
vengeance to be taken on Seaforth 's people is so 
apparent : — 

" Madam, — Before I had the honour of your Ladyship's 
letter I obtained a passport for my Lady, your daughter, to go 
South, and the General is to write to Court in her favour. 
He was very angry that General Wightman took your coach 
and horses, but they are lost by the fault of not taking my 
advice. The General told me this moment that he wrote to 
your Ladyship that he was sorry for it, but that his coach and 
horses were at your service. In my opinion, you should come 


immediately, and thank him. He is the civilest man on 
earth, and a great man. Your Ladyship will always tind me 
with the same zeal and respect, Madam, 


" Inverness, 6th of April 1716." 

Lovat to Countess of Seaforth. 
" Madam, — I spoke just now to General Cadogan, who told 
me plainly that he could not, nor would not, promise anything 
for my Lord, your son, further than receive him on mercy and 
send him prisoner south, and if the Bill of Attainder be past 
as they say it is, it is not in the King's power to save him. 
This is all I can say on that melancholy head. The General 
being informed that my Lord Seaforth's people have not as 
yet taken in their arms, was going to order a thousand men 
to-morrow to put all the country in flames, but I begged of 
his Excellency to give some days to acquaint the people, and 
that I was sure they would come in, so his Excellency was so 
good as delay the march of the troops till Saturday next. A 
thousand men will that day march to Brahan and Coul, and 
if the arms of all my Lord Seaforth's country do not come in 
to Brahan and Coul before Saturday night they may expect 
that the next day the troops will begin to destroy all, and 
march through all my Lord Seaforth's country to the Isle of 
Skye, and ships will be sent to the Lewis to destroy it. So 
your Ladyship should send off expresses immediately to all 
the Highlands that the people may come and give up their 
arms to save themselves from being burnt. It's a very great 
favour that the troops do not march to-morrow ; so your 
Ladyship should profit of it to save the people and the estate, 
which your Ladyship says is your own. I shall always be 


proud for an occasion in which I can have power myself to let 
your Ladyship know how much I am, with true friendship 
and a great respect, Madam, your Ladyship's most obedient 
and most humble servant, " Lovat. 

" Inverness, 8th of April 1716. 

" I send this express at Kincraig, and the Earl of Cromartie, 
who was present when I spoke to the General, is to go to 
Brahan to advise your Ladyship, The General likewise bids 
me give his service to your Ladyship, and tell you that if my 
Lady, your daughter, designs to go south, it must be very soon. 
The General desired me to have your Ladyship's answer to all 
this once this night. I give my humble duty to my Lady 
Seaforth, and my service to good Mr Douglas, that is so kind 
to your Ladyship. If I can I will wait on your Ladyship 
before I go for London, which will be this week." 

Lady Seaforth to Lord Lovat. 

" 9th April 1716. 

" My Lord, — I'm infinitely obliged to your Lordship for the 
concern you're pleased to have in saving my people and lands. 
I have now ordered expresses to all the parishes, that the 
people may with all speed deliver their arms, and those in the 
neighbourhood are given. If I had a conveyance my daughter 
would surely go off this week. I intreat, therefore, your 
Lordship to speak again to General Cadogan, whose civility I 
shall never be able sufficiently to acknowledge. I am with a 
true sense of your friendship, my Lord, your Lordship's most 
obliged humble servant. 

" The Earl of Cromarty was at Coul at night, but is 
expected here this forenoon, and then your Lordship shall be 
further informed if needful." 

Lord Lovat to Countess Seaforth. 
" Madam, — I had the honour of your letter this day, and I 


immediately spoke to the General, who was mighty civil. 
He desired me to give his service to your Ladyship and to my 
Lady, your daughter ; and to tell you that you might take 
your own time in sending her away the next week, or when 
you pleased. The army is to march, but to do no harm if the 
people bring in their arms. Glengarry came in last night. 
None of the rest have yet given up their persons ; but their 
men have all given their arms to save their country. I intend 
to go for London this week. I will endeavour to go and pay 
my respects to your Ladyship, and wherein I can be of use 
to you will always find me, with great zeal and respect, 
Madame, your Ladyship's most obedient cousin and most 
humble servant, " Lovat. 

"Inverness, 10th April 1716. 

" PS. — The General promised to speak to Mr Wightman 
for the coach and horses." 

General Wightman to the Countess of Seaforth. 

" Inverness, 10th April 1716. 

" Madam, — I have sent two or three messages to acquaint 
your Ladyship that it would be very convenient for the young 
Lady to be in this town to-day, for that I had found out an 
expedient to conduct her Ladyship in a chariot with six 
horses to Edinburgh. 

" I shall leave this place to-morrow in order for Fort- William 
with General Cadogan, and if I am absent, fear things won't 
be so well managed for the young Lady's advantage, and 
perhaps miss the opportunity of the chariot. — I am. Madam, 
your Ladyship's most obedient humble servant. 



Lovat soon after left for London, and promised to 
intercede for Seaforth. No sooner did he arrive than 
stories began to spread, which were attributed to him ; 
and he boasted so loudly of his own services against 
the Jacobites that the Earl of Sutherland, Sir William 
Gordon, Eose of Kilravock, and others insisted upon 
his retracting these tales. They requested him to 
sign a deed for the purpose of publication. Lovat 
declared that the rumours of which they com- 
plained were absolutely false, and without founda- 
tion, but this did not satisfy the Earl. He sent 
Gordon of Ardoch to meet Lovat at Doctor Well- 
wood's to remonstrate with him for not signing the 
deed. Lovat was so indignant at his word not being 
accepted as sufficient, that he threatened to cut Sir 
William Gordon's throat on the first opportunity, as 
he believed it was he who insisted upon his retraction 
by deed. Next day Sir William met Lovat at the 
Smyrna Coffee House, and informed him that he came 
purposely to afford him an opportunity to make good 
his threat. Lovat declared he had no recollection of 
using the words attributed to him, and supposed " he 
must have done so in his cups," but he was quite 
ready to afford satisfaction to any gentleman, and 
would with great pleasure place himself at Sir William's 
service. A meetinsj was arrano;ed for next mornino-, 
and Lovat requested Doctor Wellwood to act as his 
second. The Doctor declined, and Lovat then wrote 


to the Baron of Kilravock, who was in London, 
begging him, on account of the ancient friendship 
between their families, to stand by him in this 
extremity. Kilravock very reluctantly consented, 
and met Gordon of Ardoch, who was Sir William's 

As Lovat declined to go anywhere save to Maryle- 
bone-fields, the party left Piccadilly about 6 a.m. 
Immediately they had taken their places, a man with 
a loaded gun hurried between them, and swore that 
he would shoot the first to draw a sword. Ardoch 
and Kilravock in vain tried to get rid of the fellow, 
and while expostulating with him, James and 
Alexander Fraser, accompanied by four horsemen, 
appeared on the scene. Sir William, as he would not 
be permitted to fight, called Lovat a lying knave and 
arrant coward ; and Lovat, furious at the insult, 
attempted to draw his sword, but dropped it when he 
saw the man taking aim at his breast. Subsequent 
inquiry by the seconds proved that Lovat that same 
morning gave the fellow money and a gun, and 
arranged the whole thing. 

Lovat's intercession for Seaforth did the latter 
little good. He still held out, and his people refused 
to deliver up their arms. The following corres- 
pondence between Countess Frances and General 
Cadogan shows that the authorities were determined 
to proceed actively against the Mackeuzies : — 


GeiMral Cadogan to the Countess of Seaforth. 

" Inverness, the 10th April 1716. 

" Madam, — I received the honour of your Ladyship's letter 
of the 9th instant, and am very sorry it was not in my power 
to get your Ladyship's coach and horses restored. As for the 
two gentlemen that I left out the passport, there are so many 
informations given against them by all the well affected 
persons in the country, that so far from granting them a pass, 
were it not in consideration and regard to your Ladyship, I 
should immediately order them to be made prisoners. But 
if your Ladyship pleases to name any two gentlemen who 
have not been in arms, I shall be ready to consent to their 
waiting on my Lady Seaforth on her journey to Edinburgh. 
I hope all your Ladyship's tenants will be so much friends to 
themselves as to forthwith bring in their arms, and thereby 
prevent their being forced to it by military execution. I beg 
your Ladyship to believe I shall always be very glad to show 
the profound respect with which I have the honour to be. 
Madam, your Ladyship's most obedient and most humble 
servant, " Wm. Cadogan. 

" I send here enclosed, for your Ladyship, Protection for 
your house and estate of Brahan. 

" William Cadogan, Esq., Lieut.-General and Commander-in- 
Chief of his Majesty's forces in North Britain, — All officers 
and soldiers of his Majesty's army in North Britain are 
hereby required not to commit any disorder, nor to take any 
goods, cattle, or corn in the house or on the estate of Brahan, 
or any other belonging to the Eight Honourable the Countess 
Dowager of Seaforth. 

" Given at luvorness, lOtli xipril 171G." 


Lady Seaforth to General Cadogan. 

" Sir, — That I should be still troubling a gentleman of so 
much honour and known civility is to myself very mortifying, 
but the daily distress I meet with, notwithstanding the pro- 
tection your Excellency was pleased to send me, makes me 
the most uneasy person in the world. 

" Yesterday Colonel Brooks came hither, with, I think, 400 
men, besides the garrison, and Colonel Munro's Independent 
Company, who, I hear, are to quarter at Brahan till all the 
Highlanders give up their arms. It's surely hard that I, 
who have been so long a widow, should, without any offence 
given to King or Government, be the only woman in Britain 
so much harassed. The arms might be delivered up at 
Inverness as well as here ; for my diligence in sending to my 
tenants reiterated positive orders has appeared to the ofincers 
at this house by the delivering up of all the arms within a 
dozen miles to this, and by letters promising the rest at a 
further distance to be delivered up with all speed possible. 

" I got not last year £50 of £1000 which is my jointure ; 
and the tenants and country are now so impoverished that I 
can expect nothing from them. Nay, I can scarce get bread 
to my family and the few officers that are with me. 

" This being my condition, I must beg of your Excellency 
with all earnestness speedily to compassionate the same, 
which will be a true act of generosity, and the greatest favour 
you can honour one with who is, with the highest esteem 
of your goodness and with the utmost respect, sir, your 
Excellency's ever obliged but most afflicted servant, 

" Brahan, 14 of April 1716." 


Cadogan to Countess Seaforth. 

" Inverness, 20 April 1716. 

" Madam, — I received last night the honour of your 
Ladyship's letter of the 19th inst., and am very sorry to find, 
by the accoimts sent me by Col. Brooke, that not the tenth 
part of the arms of my Lord Seaforth's people are yet brought 
in. The great desire I have to do your Ladyship all the ser- 
vice I can, obliges me to acquaint you that this trifling and 
amusing the Government will be more resented at London 
than open resistance, and will not leave it in my power to 
serve your country any longer. I shall, however, in your 
Ladyship's consideration, order the detachment to halt till 
Tuesday next, Ijut if by that time all the arms are not 
delivered up, I shall be under necessity of ordering the troops 
to proceed with the utmost severity against your son's people, 
and employ fire and sword to reduce them, of which I would 
have your Ladyship to give them forthwith notice in the most 
public manner. If they continue obstinate after this warning, 
it will be their own fault, and not mine, if they are destroyed. 
I thought it further necessary to acquaint your Ladyship that 
Col. Clayton is with a detachment of a thousand men towards 
Eilandonald, on the extremity of my Lord Seaforth's country, 
so that his people are now surrounded on all sides. I have 
the honour to be, with the greatest respect and veneration, 
Madam, your Ladyship's most obedient and most humble 
servant, " Wm. Cadogan." 

Notwithstanding all the efforts of the Government, 
Seaforth still held out, and was consequently attainted. 
He retired to the Lews, where he escaped from the 
detachment sent against him under Colonel Cholmley, 
made his way to Ross-shire, and ultimately to France. 
His estates fell to be administered by the Forfeited 


Estates Commissioners, who had little profit from the 

Acting under orders from Seaforth, the tenants 
withheld the rents : a circumstance which led to the 
tragedy wherein Walter Ross of Easterfearn perished. 
Seaforth in 1719 returned to Scotland, with the 
Marquis of Tullibardine at head of the Spanish force, 
which was defeated at Glenshiel in April of that 
year. In this fight Seaforth was wounded, but not 
so badly as to prevent his escape to France. Before 
leaving, he sent the following order to his tenants, 
and copies being distributed over all the estates 
by Donald Murchison, the reason why the Forfeited 
Estates Commissioners received no rents is sufficiently 
apparent : — 

" Assured friends, — As I hade always the good and pros- 
perity of my people in generall, as much at heart as my owen 
in particular, so also your late losses and present trubles 
greives me more than my own circumstances, which I only 
regrate in respect they disable me from bestowing such 
favours on you as my inclinations leads me to, however, until 
ane opportunity offer (which I hope is aproching), of capacit- 
ating one to make you fully sensible of my affection for you, 
which is more than I shall now express in implement of 
voluntarie promise, and in compassion and consideration of 
your late losses, I desyr that everyone of you who sustained 
damages from the common enemie, and acquitted themselves 
according to their capacities in their duty, obedience, and 
faithful service to, and attendance of me asserting my Royal 
Master's right, shall retain in their hands for their own proper 
use, the rents .and duties payable by them, prohibiting all 


persons claiming title or interest thereto (as they regard me) 
to uplift it, or collect it from anie of you. Circumstances and 
alterations in atfeirs, whereof I am lately informed obliges me 
to leave you for some time, which I hope will be very much 
for my interest and advantage, and consequently for yours. 
Therefor lett none of you be surprised at my absence, on the 
contrary bear it patiently, and pretend who will exert your- 
selves in your duty and firmness to your real and grateful 

Postscript. — " You know lykeways that for your ease in 
respect of your attendance of me, I would not allow anie 
llittings or removalls amongst you nor regard last set. 

Note. — " The principal taxemen of each country who had 

the above orders directed to them hade it enclosed within a 

particular order to themselffes in the following terms : " — 

" Asurred friend, — I relay on your putting in execution what 

the enclosed letters bears as you may depend on my being — 

Your real friend, 

(Sic Subscribitur) " Seafokt." 

The Mackenzies withheld the rents for several years, 
and many friends interceded for their chief. A deputa- 
tion of his clansmen waited upon General Wade, and 
promised on behalf of the tenantry to give up their 
arms and pay the rents in future, provided they had 
a discharge for all rents preceding 1725. This Wade 


agreed to, and in the following year, Seaforth was not 
only relieved from the penal consequences of his out- 
lawry, but had a grant of the arrears of feu duties 
due to the Crown out of his estate. He died in the 
Lews, on the 8th January 1740. 



The Earl of Seaforth, as a preparator}?- step to em- 
barking in the rebellion of 1715, summoned his clans- 
men and dependants to meet him at Brahan Castle on 
the 9th of September. This meeting was not attended 
by several of his most influential vassals, and their 
reasons for holding aloof are embodied in a letter 
which they wrote and sent to him on the same day. 
In this letter they pointed out to the Earl, in language 
both firm and dignified, the dangers attending any 
rising at a period when the people were altogether 
unprepared, and they solemnly warned him of " the 
consequences of running rashly into measures which 
cannot be so easily retrieved." 

Robert Munro, the younger of Foulis, born 24th 
August 1684, had already won distinction in the army, 
and immediately he heard of a movement among the 
Mackenzies, proceeded to fortify his ancestral home. 
Ere many hours elapsed the retainers of his family 
came trooping in from all quarters. At the castle of 
Foulis all was bustle and preparation ; the Munroes 
were drawn up and exercised beneath the shade of the 

Sir Robert Munro of Foulis. 



castle during the next few nights. The gathering 
of the clan was conducted with marvellous secrecy, 
and by the 14th they were prepared to make a dash 
for the capture of Inverness ; but unluckily, one, 
Hector Mackenzie, the son of a servant at Brahan, 
had on that day been sent on an errand to a relatiA'e 
at Kiltearn. Ere the youth left he saw his kinsmen 
arrayed in warlike apparel. Arriving at Brahan, he 
communicated the fact to his friends, and ere long 
" boot and saddle " was sounded, and Seaforth him- 
self, accompanied by a few men, galloped to watch 
the passes. Munro and his friends started ere day- 
break, and while on the march towards Dingwall were 
met by a messenger from Seaforth with the request 
" that he should return home and live peaceably, 
unless it was his intention to throw in his lot with 
the Jacobites." By this time Seaforth's retainers 
were visible in every direction, and Munro, with his 
small band, was obliged to retrace his steps. He 
would at any rate have been too late to achieve his 
purpose, for Mackintosh of Borlum had already seized 
Inverness, and proclaimed King James. 

Seaforth next day reviewed his men in a field near 
Dingwall, and addressed them in stirring language. 
He was a vain youth, whose head seems to have been 
turned by the compliments showered upon him by 
wily partisans. The adhesion of the great Chief of 
Kintail, and his wild Mackenzies and Macraes, was 


regarded by the heads of the movement as of the 
utmost consequence. None knew better than the 
brave old Laird of Borlum what an effect it would 
have throughout the Highlands generally, and with 
this in view Borlum urged Seaforth to come with a 
body of men to occupy Inverness, as he was about to 
march to join the Earl of Mar. Seaforth thereupon 
immediately set out for Inverness, and having left 
Sir John Mackenzie of Coul as governor of the town, 
he returned to Brahan. 

Foulis and his men kept constantly in arms ; by 
the end of the month word was sent that the Earl of 
Sutherland was on his way to assume command of the 
loyalists. The Munroes then encamped near Alness, 
where they were joined by parties of Rosses, and 
latterly by the Earl of Sutherland. It was now de- 
termined to attack Seaforth, and besiege Inverness. 
This plan was upset by the rapid march of Seaforth, 
before whose advance the loyalists dispersed. Munro's 
friends fled, leaving him at the mercy of the foe ; he 
retired to Foulis with the loss of one man and several 

There is a story told, and it is confirmed by letters 
extant, that the ladies of the burgh of Cromarty were 
so intensely Jacobite that they hired spies to watch 
the movements of Munro, and sent messengers to 
Seaforth with detailed accounts of the position and 
movements of the loyalists. The information thus 


conveyed to Seaforth by the Cromarty spies, as they 
were called, proved so useful, that by stratagem the 
Mackenzie Chief well nigh secured Foulis Castle. 
When baulked of this, some of the most desperate 
characters among the Mackenzies were guilty of ex- 
cesses. A letter from the minister of Inverness, dated 
the 14th of October, is to this effect: — 

" The poor country of Ross all over is at the mercy of the 
enemy, and lamentable accounts of the miseries of the faith- 
ful subjects are daylie coming in to us from eye-witnesses. 
And there are not better Christians nor better subjects in the 
land. The ministers have fled to Sutherland. Mr Mackilligan's 
house was most sadly plundered, being near the camp and 
himself chaplain to the army imder the Earl of Sutherland." 

Seaforth, elated by the success which attended his 
arms in the north, marched southward to join Mar. 
By this time he believed himself as capable a leader 
as Alexander the Great. He organised a bodyguard 
of forty mounted clansmen, whose duty it was to at- 
tend him at all times ; an arrangement which excited 
the ridicule of his associates, who did not scruple to 
question his personal courage. Munro and his friends, 
being now relieved, proceeded to Inverbreakie, from 
whence they and the other deputy -lieutenants of the 
north despatched a letter to Lord Townshend giving 
him an account of their proceedings, and desired the 
assistance of regular forces. Not content with this 
communication Foulis, on the 3rd November, wrote to 
the Secretary of State ; — 


" My Lord, — Our communication with the south hes bene 
stopt since the 12th of September. Before the Earl of 
Sutherland came to the country on the 5th of October, I did 
all that was possible for me to serve the King's interest, in 
conjunction with my kinsmen, friends, vassals, and followers, 
though I had neither arms nor money from the Government. 
It would be too tedious to trouble your lordship with the 
particulars here since my Lord Sutherland's arrivall. His 
lordship is so fully in knowledge of what passed that I referr 
myself to quhat information he will give your lordship. One 
of our greatest hardships is that the rebels are plentifully 
provided with money from the Pretender, and had an 
abundance of arms, whereas* we want both ; and the collector 
of the customs at Inverness supplys the rebels with the 
publick money. After all the struggling made here by the 
Erie of Sutherland and all others that are weel affected to the 
present happy establishment, without speedie and powerful 
assistance of regular troops landed in Cromarty road we must 
be undone. I mean such as have hitherto escaped the enemy's 
rage. The Goths and Vandalls never shoed more barbarity 
in their interuptions than the E. of Seaforth practised on my 
and others' estates, and on that of his kindred and name, 
ravishing of women, burning houses, barns and corns, killing 
all the cattle they could find, stripping women and children, 
pillaging everything they could find in their houses. 

" I will give your lordship no further trouble at present, 
onlie to assure you that I am, with the utmost respect my 
lord, your lordship's most faithful, most obedient and humble 
servant, "Egbert Muxro." 

There is reason to believe that Seaforth was not 
responsible for the pillaging which went on, for when 
the fact came to his knowledge he sent a part}^ in 
pursuit of the disreputable characters who committed 
excesses, and severely reprimanded an officer for 


wantonly wounding one of the Munroes. The Laird 
of Culcairn, writing at the same time, does not blame 
Seaforth, and an unsigned letter gives an account of 
the " pursuit of the villainous thieves, who were a 
terror to the country." 

Munro returned home to prepare for the march to 
Inverness, and from Foulis wrote the following letter 
on the 5th of November : — 

" Honourable Sir, — The bearer, Mr Gordon, who is sent by 
my Lord Sutherland to acquaint you with the circumstances 
of this country, is my particular friend. I doubt not but he 
will give you satisfactory accounts of our affairs as to our be- 
havi'our. For myself. Sir, I have not inclination at this time 
to trouble you with our circumstances, but shall until this 
affair is ended doe my duty and then think myself well 
rewarded if I should be as ill used by the Government as 
formerly. I am of the same opinion with all my name rela- 
tions, friends, and followers, to risk both life and fortune in 
defence of the present Government. I hope you'l do the 
bearer justice against a Jacobite who now possesses his 
employment, and believe me to be, etc., 

"EoBEET Munro." 

After Inverness had been captured by Hugh Rose, 
Baron of Kilravock, and Forbes of Culloden, the Earl 
of Sutherland, accompanied by Munro of Foulis, 
marched thither ; the latter being appointed governor 
of the town, at once took steps to fortify it. In this 
he was assisted by the other loyalists, and by none 
more energetically than the crafty old fox, Simon, Lord 
Lovat. Simon was exceedingly anxious that his 


doings should be chronicled at Court. His early 
career had not been such as to render him a favourite 
in high quarters, and, as a matter of fact, he was still 
an outlaw. But that did not deter him from writing 
a characteristic letter to Lord Townshend : — 

"My Lord, — I referr to the King's ffriends to give your 
lordship a particular account of what I did since I came to 
my country. They most own that there was nothing done 
for the Government till I took arms, and that in a few days 
with a few of my men I chased Keppoch Macdonald, who 
was coming to join the rebels in this place, and obliged the 
rebels to desert this town, and contributed with the rest of 
the King's friends to reduce the neighbouring countrys to the 
King's obedience. All my people whom Mackenzie of Fraser- 
dale forced, by open violence, to go with him to Mar's camp, 
deserted him, and all came and joined me when they heard I 
was in my country, which made a great desertion in Mar's 
army. And Fraserdale, finding himself Collonel without 
souldiers, went oif from meer shame from Mar's camp, and he 
pretends now to submit himself. But if such a violent rebel 
that can now do no hurt be receaved, your lordship may 
depend upon it, tho' it will not alter my zeal, yet it will 
entirely discourage the King's ffriendes in all the north to a 
great degree that I dare not express. So I hope your lordship 
will now do justice to my zeal and protect me against the 
misrepresentation that my Lord Athol gives of me, and 
against the friends of the violent rebel Mackenzie of Fraser- 
dale. The more favourable your lordship is to me and my 
family the better the King's service will be forwarded in the 
north, and your lordship shall ever find me very grateful, and 
with zeal and a profound respect, — My Lord, your lordship's 
most faithful and obedient servant, " Lovat." 

" Inverness, \st December 1715," 


The Laird of Foulis ardently wished that Lovat 
should have a remission under the Great Seal, and to 
this end he endeavoured to get the loyalists to address 
a memorial to the Secretary of State on his behalf. 
Whilst willing that the Fraser Chief should receive 
pardon, yet they declined to secure this by ascribing 
the total suppression of the rebellion to him. It is 
significant that whereas they collectively declined at 
this time to sign such a memorial in favour of Lovat, 
they readily subscribed a certificate to be forwarded 
to the Secretary of State on behalf of Robert Rose of 
Blackhills, who led the forlorn hope wherein Arthur 
Rose, brother of Kilravock, perished. Munro was not 
to be deterred from flattering Lovat by the luke-warm 
reception his proposal received at the hands of his 
friends, and consequently on the 2nd of December he 
addressed the Secretary of State thus : — 

" My Lord, — It is needless to trouble your lordship with a 
detail of the hardship put on the friends of the Government 
in this country since the beginning of the present rebellion. 
I'll only say in general that my friends and I did our duty, 
and had the interest of the Government been supported at the 
time I left London (as we of this country who had the honour 
to know your lordship did represent) the most if not all our 
misery meight have been prevented. And the event had 
made it appear that if my Lord Lovat had been sooner sent 
down he would contribute much to oblige the rebels of this 
country to continue loyal. I took the liberty in public and 
in private to represent the propriety of sending to this 
country some regular troops, and to give my Lord Lovat his 


remission, and send him down hither with some money in his 
pocket ; but the D. of Athol that was a traitor at the revolu- 
tion, and who in our eonciencies we know wanted only an 
opportunity to play over his old game, was preferred to the 
publick interest and our safety's. On my arrival in Scotland 
the D. of Athol continued his protestation of loyalty, tho' at 
the same time, his whole family and his creature and minion 
Prestonhall (who unjustly possesst my Ld. Lovat's estate) 
were encouraging the rebellion, and at last, tho' the D, of 
Athol was Prestonhall's bail, to the Government he appeared 
a leading man among the rebels, having enticed about 400 of 
the Frasers (who would have followed my Ld. Lovat had he 
been in the country) to go with him to Mar's camp. 

" I hope this 2nd part of the D. of Athol's conduct has 
convinced your lordship and others how just I was to his 
Grace. On my Ld. Lovat's arrivall here the King's affairs 
were in the utmost confusion, this place being in the rebel's 
hands, by which the communication 'twixt the friends of the 
Government in Ross, Sutherland and Moray was cutt off'. On 
his appearance in the country a handsome body of his men 
joined him, with which he first chased a branch of the name 
of Macdonald that were to throw themselves into this place 
with above 200 men, and obliged others of his Jacobite 
neighbours to surrender themselves to the depute-lieutenants 
of the shyre of Inverness. Some others well affected to the 
Government, having joined his lordship, he obliged the rebels 
to desert this place by sea, so I am now in possession of it 
with about 400 men of my own name. His lordship is 
now marching down after the Earl of Sutherland to Moray, 
with above 400 men of his own name, to assist in establishing 
the King's Government in that country. When your lordship 
considers all this you will not be surprised at our confusion 
here, when we are told that the D. of Athol, depending on his 
interest at Court, has sent Prestonhall to London in order to 
get his remission. I hope your lordship and all those who 
have the honour to be near the King's person will not advise 


His Majesty to any such thing, for Prestonhall has been one 
of the guiltiest. I shall not trouble your lordship with any- 
thing about my Lord Lovat's remission, since his services not 
only entitle him to that, but to other marks of the King's 
favour, for plainly nothing would have been done here without 
him. — I am, my lord, your lordship's most faithful and most 
obliged humble servant, " Robert Munro." 

" Inverness, 2'nd December 1715." 

By the following April, Munro's wishes were gratified. 
Lovat's remission passed the Great Seal and the Fraser 
Chief tried to assist Munro to one or two good offices, 
but in vain. Foulis was, however, appointed one of 
the -Commissioners of Forfeited Estates, and this 
position he continued to occupy until 1724. He 
succeeded his father in 1729, and was Member of 
Parliament for thirty years. He rendered good 
service at Fontenoy as Lieut. -Colonel of Crawford's 
Highlanders, and was killed at Falkirk fighting bravely 
against the Jacobites on the 17th January 1746. 


BORLUM's expedition into ENGLAND, 1715. 

One of the most able of the officers of the Chevalier 
St George was, without doubt, William Mackintosh of 
Borlum. Descended from a warlike race, and closely 
allied to the chief of Clan Chattan, it seemed fitting 
that, on such an occasion as the '15, he would give 
a good account of himself, and true it is that, as a 
politician and a soldier, there was no one more fitted 
to command the Jacobite forces. Although possessed 
of merely a petty Lairdship, he was bred and trained 
to arms in France, and in the Guards of King William 
and Queen Anne, and gave indications, at an early 
period, of the dash and courage which has given his 
name so prominent a place in the annals of the '15, 

As leader of the Clan Chattan he marched at the 
head of a considerable force into Inverness, where, on 
15th September, he proclaimed the Chevalier at the 
Town's Cross. On the following Sunday he marched 
southward with about 500 men, and was soon after- 
wards created Brigadier in the Jacobite army. He 
was sent to Burntisland with two thousand men to 
secure boats with which to cross the army, and while 

BORLUM's expedition into ENGLAND. 81 

here, on the 9th October, he addressed the following 
curious and ingenuous letter to Captain Pool of H.M.S. 
Pearl, then employed in guarding the Firth and its 
shipping from the designs of the Highlanders : — 

" Sir, — You lying so near a part of the King's army of which 
I have the honour to command as Brigadier-General, thinks 
it incumbent upon me to require, command, and summons you 
in His Majesty King James the Eighth's name, to come in and 
return to your duty, allegiance, and obedience to him, and 
does promise you that your early appearance will meet with 
all suitable encouragement from me, and will entitle you in 
all time coming to receive from His Majesty such favours as 
so great a service deserves. If ye incline to hearken to this 
proposal you'll be pleased to send some officer ashore that I 
may fully commune with him, and I promise him protection 
and safety to come and return, and if ye desire I shall send 
an officer to you upon the like protection granted. The com- 
plying with this measure will be just, safe, honourable, and 
advantageous. The enclosed is the Earl of Mar and others 
of the nobility and gentry their manifesto calculate for the 
kingdom of Scotland, and since it has pleased God to bring 
His Majesty safely into his own kingdoms, ye may expect 
that encouragement will be given to the Royal Navy of 

The reply of Pool to the letter of the " Arch rebel," 
as he calls him, was a threat to lay the place in ashes, 
but Highland wit proved more than a match for loyal 
Pool, for ere the English captain awoke next morning 
Mackintosh had crossed over with his force, and it was 
firmly established at North Berwick, Aberlady, and 
other places along the coast. Ere long they held 
possession of Haddington for King James. The Lord 


Justice Clerk writing, on 13th October, to Secretary 
Stanhope of these things, says : — 

" Lord Nairn and two or three other lords are come over, 
but it is Mackintosh of Borlum that is the principal man 
that commands in Haddington. Some of the rebels were at 
the President of the Session's gate before his family was well 
awake, and his lordship narrowly escaped ; two of his sons 
were taken, but they have let them go again upon their 
parole of honour, and Borlum, as Brigadier of the Pretender's 
forces, gives them a pass, which pass I have seen. . . . This 
landing is the boldest, and perhaps the most desperate, 
attempt you ever heard of." 

The Jacobites were now joined by the men of Teviot- 
dale, and we next find Borlum at Kelso, which he 
threatened to destroy with fire and sword. It was 
while here that he wrote the letter to the Chief 
Magistrate of Dunse, Hay of Drummelzier, of which 
fac-simile is given : — 

" Sir, — I expected to have heard from you last night as you 
promised, and that you would have sent yor six months cess 
of the town of Dunce, for his Mamies service; and now I 
send you this express to putt you in mynd to doe it once this 
night ; otherwise I must be excused to levy it in a way that 
will not be very agreeable either to you or me. — I am, sir, yor 
most humble servant. 

Will. Mackintosh. 

" Kelso, -l^rd October 1715." 

The junction of the north and south country 
Jacobites led to divided counsels, and so great did the 
divisions become that a considerable body of High- 
landers retired northwards utterly disgusted with the 

BORLUm's expedition into ENGLAND. 83 

enterprise. To apportion the blame is not our province 
here. Borlum was exceedingly anxious to strike a 
blow at the enemy ere they could unite their forces, 
while others leant on that broken reed — the promises 
of the English Jacobites, and thus it happened that 
very reluctantly Borlum was obliged to give way to 
the opinion of others. The following unpublished 
letter from Lord Charles Murray, third son of the 
Duke of AthoU, to his brother James, throws light 
upon the intentions of the leaders. 

" Dear James, — Your letter with the money reached me 
with good news, and it made me glad to think that you have 
done so well with what belonged to me, and have never 
ceased thinking but that you can do as you have done before, 
the like good service in sending on to Perth what good men 
you can get. If we can but reach London before Carpenter 
comes up, whom we know now is at our heels, and who is 
anxious to get a smack at us, we will be all right, and shall 
await for Lord Mar somewhere about Derby. The Brigadier 
wanted to halt near Newcastle to get at Carpenter at once, 
but was persuaded by us to push on. We do want money 
badly, because we have little to pay the men with, who have 
twice proved themselves unruly, but we think that all things 
will go well now." 

These sanguine anticipations were not realised. 
The march through the north of England, accompanied, 
as it was, with a spirit of dissension between the 
leaders, culminated disastrously before the attack of 
Generals Wills and Carpenter at Preston, where High- 
land dash and valour availed so little. Routed all 


along the line, and with the principal leaders prisoners, 
the campaign in England was a miserable fiasco. Be- 
sides Borlum, and the principal ofiicers of his regiment, 
there was captured the Lord Charles Murray, whose 
father wrote from Blair Castle, on 25th November, to 
Lord Townshend, the following pathetic letter, pleading 
for the life of his misguided son : — 

" My Lord, — I have accompts from Edinburgh that Lord 
Charles Murray, my third son, is taken prisoner in Lancashire, 
and was to be tryed by a Court Martial. His crime is so 
very great that I have nothing to plead for him but the 
King's mercy and goodness, who if His Majestic will be 
graciously pleased to spare his life, I hope in God he will 
shew his repentance to God and the King in such a manner 
as to shew his sense of so great mercy. I have wrote more 
fully of this to the Earl of Nottinghame. T am not able to 
add more, but begs your lordship will be so good as to join 
with his Grace in interceding with His Majestic on behalf of 
my child, which I shall always own as a very great and par- 
ticular obligation done to me." 

Borlum was brought south, and confined in Newgate, 
and the Government being very anxious to obtain 
evidence against the Jacobite leaders. Lord Justice 
Clerk Cockburn wrote to Secretary Stanhope suggest- 
ing that Mackintosh of Borlum should be approached, 
as he had been one of the principals, and well versed 
in Jacobite secrets ; but, fortunately, a scheme was 
on foot to efiect the Brigadier's escape from Newgate. 
This fact coming to the knowledge of Brigadier A. 
Grant of Grant, this unworthy creature endeavoured 

BORLUM's expedition into ENGLAND. 85 

to frustrate his kinsman's attempt by writing the 
following to an official high in place : — 

" My Lord, — Since I had the honour of waiting on your 
lordship, I am informed by a person who is often in Newgate 
that there is a project forming for Mackintosh of Borlum — 
commonly called Brigadier, — his making his escape. I thought 
it my duty to acquaint you of it, that it may be prevented. 
Angus Mackintosh of Kyllachie is the gentleman I mentioned 
to your lordship as the most criminal of that sett." 

The Brigadier and a companion — John Mackintosh's 
son, escaped, notwithstanding the officious zealotry of 
Grant of Grant, and lived for many years after, — his 
grand- daughter Winny having the distinction of being 
carried for half a mile in the arms of Prince Charlie, 
while on his march through Morayshire. 



" Now our Prince has reared his banner, 
Now triumjihant is our cause ; 
Now the Scottish Lion rallies, 
Let us strike for Prince and laws." 

A CENTURY and a half of years has not in the least 
diminished the keen interest evinced in the campaign 
which has given Prince Charles Stuart and his 
followers such a unique and imperishable place in the 
history of our country. Scholars, novelists, and poets 
have each added their tribute to his fame, but, not- 
withstanding all that has been written on the subject, 
we are only now on the verge of arriving at the truth. 
The story of the '45 has been misrepresented to a 
great extent ; it was an attempt of such daring and 
brilliancy that even those whose principles compelled 
them to resist it to the uttermost were lost in admira- 
tion. And so it comes to pass that a glamour has 
been thrown over the rising, as we shall see, totally 
inconsistent with facts. 

The authorities in Scotland had for several years 
been on the qui vive, and the marvel is that any 
rising took place at all. When Cameron of Lochicl, 


in December 1743, ordered a large quantity of tartan 
from a Glasgow firm, suspicion was aroused that a 
movement of some kind was in contemplation, and 
this was confirmed by reports that the lairds were 
preparing accoutrements for their followers. It was 
only, however, in the spring of 1745, that the officials 
in Edinburgh got definite intelligence from James Roy 
Macgregor (son of Rob Roy) — an unhappy man, who 
had consented to act as a spy upon his Jacobite 
friends ; and the facts supplied by him enabled the 
Government to take prompt measures, for they im- 
mediately issued warrants for the arrest of such chiefs 
as were noted for their Stuart leanings. The first they 
secured was Sir Hector Maclean, who was betrayed by 
John Blair — a trusted Jacobite — one whose treachery 
put the Government in possession of the most 
cherished designs of his party. But while the 
authorities in Scotland had thus acquired knowledge 
of an important movement in favour of the exiled 
Stuarts, and had acted with promptitude in issuing 
the warrants, with a strange fatuity they let the 
opportunity slip by ; their conduct even favouring 
the suspicion that some of the highest officials in 
the State were lukewarm supporters of the House of 
Guelph. It was only after repeated urgent messages 
from London that they tried to put in execution 
the rest of the warrants against the Jacobites ; and the 
story of the attempt to capture the Duke of Perth 


recalls circumstances every whit as treacherous as 
that which marked the tragedy of Glencoe. A 
Campbell was again the hero ; little wonder then that 
the name has, so far as Highlanders are concerned, 
been regarded with peculiar aversion as synonymous 
with hypocrisy and deceit. Captain Duncan Campbell 
of Inverawe was entrusted with the apprehension of 
Perth, whose hospitality he had frequently experi- 
enced. Presuming on this, he sent a message to the 
Duke of his intention to dine with him. Perth sent 
a note in reply, expressing the great pleasure it would 
afford him to be honoured by Campbell's presence, 
little dreaming of the project in hand. During dinner, 
one of the servants, observing soldiers surrounding the 
house, reported the matter to the Duke, who paid no 
attention. After the wine had circulated, Campbell 
told his errand, and Perth good-naturedly replied that 
he would readily accompany him when he had changed 
his attire. He entered an adjoining closet for this 
purpose, and escaped by a back stair, leaving Campbell 
to report the circumstances to Sir John Cope in these 
terms : — 

" I have this day made an attempt to apprehend the Duke 
of Perth, and though I had my company under arms at his 
gate, and some friends in the house with me, by which I 
thought all secure, trusting too much to his honour he slipt 
out of our hands into the wood, which I have now surrounded 
by Sir Patrick Murray's company and mine. Whether we 
can get him soon taken is a question, but if your Excellency 


approve of it I am determined he shall have little rest if 
he keeps the Highlands till we have him. I have writ to 
Colonel Whitney to secure the Bridge of Stirhng and all 
passes in that neighbourhood, in case he should attempt going 
into the low country ; your Ex : will give the proper orders 
with regard to the Ferries of Leith and Kinghorn. This 
unlucky accident gives me great uneasiness, but I hope to 
retrieve it. I laid the most probable scheme for it I could 
think of, though it failed ; whatever commands your Ex : 
shall have for me direct to this place, where notice shall be 
got of me. 

" I am, etc., 

"Duncan Campbell." 
" Crieff, 24th July 1745." 

Perth's escape proved extremely mortifying to the 
laird o£ Inverawe, his fine schemes and the subtle 
stratagem by means of which the Duke would be 
secured at all hazard " ended in nought." To cover 
his discomfiture, his efforts to capture the fugitive 
were such as brought forth murmurings among his 
harrassed soldiers, whose exertions were of none avail. 

It is not our purpose to detail at length the circum- 
stances which led Charles to hazard his cause and his 
person in a rebellion in the North of Scotland. The 
youthful Prince, in whose veins ran the fiery blood 
of Sobieski, was utterly disgusted at the faithlessness 
of the French. He could not understand the diplo- 
matic dissimulation of the Court of Versailles, which 
hesitated to strike the blow it professed so anxious 
to deal, yet did not scruple to place his family in a 
position so humiliating that his proud spirit rebelled. 


So he sailed from France, determined to trust himself 
to his loyal Highlanders. Here, again, he had been 
grievously misled, for they were not so ready to throw 
off the Hanoverian yoke as alleged by unscrupulous 
partisans. The '15 and its disastrous consequences 
had taught the chiefs to act with caution, and thus it 
was that when he arrived in Inverness-shire they held 
aloof until commanded to his presence — a summons 
obeyed with manifest reluctance. 

It was the adhesion of the Cameron chief that " set 
the heather on fire," and brought about the tragedy 
of the '45. Persuaded against his better sense, all 
his arguments scouted, Lochiel was virtually forced 
to draw his sword in the Stuart cause, and the news 
spread like wildfire over the mountains to far distant 
hills and glens. Yet the Highlanders did not flock 
to the Standard at Glenfinnan in any numbers : they 
sullenly held aloof until threats and actual violence 
compelled them to leave their homes and follow their 
lairds, who taunted them with ingratitude, because 
they did not fly to arms after receiving " shirts, 
brogues, and other things." Herein lies the marvel 
of the whole position. At the head of an army 
composed of men forced from their homes, and re- 
luctantly compelled to take part in an enterprise from 
which they were ever ready to desert, Prince Charles 
marched upon Edinburgh, and eluding the troops sent 
against him, seized the Capital. 

THE "forty-five." 91 

The story of the wild melee at Gladsmuir is too 
well known to need repetition here ; it confirmed the 
position of the victor who now held court in his 
ancestral halls of Holyrood, Gaily passed the days, 
and merry were the nights, during the brief sojourn 
of the " Hope of the Stuarts." One can well imagine 
how the accession of each scion of an ancient house 
thrilled the small circle of the Prince's court. The 
Earl of Kellie strutted about with broadsword, white 
cockade, and gorgeous tartans ; Strathallau, appointed 
Governor of Perth, was there in Lowland dress ; 
Pitsligo, Lord George Murray, the courtly Duke of 
Perth, and the " dour rankerous " Lord Elcho, with 
the Lords Nairn and Ogilvie. Lord Lewis Gordon 
graced the scene before passing to his brother's 
country to raise the vassals of the " Cock of the 
North." The dread Laird of Glenbucket arrived with 
his friend, the wild-looking, unshaved Glenmoriston, 
who, when the Prince hinted that a visit to a barber 
ere coming into his presence would not have been 
amiss, replied with spirit — " Sir, it is not by the aid of 
beardless boys your Royal Highness will recover your 
father's throne." Never was there such a collection of 
lairds and kilted followers seen in Edinburgh, for, be it 
noted, almost all wore the tartan, sported the cockade, 
claymore, and pistols. Balls and parties, however, did 
not much advance the grand object in view, and it 
may indeed be said that the delay was fatal to the 


cause. The Highlanders were deserting by the dozen 
—even the Camerons became infected, and the gentle 
Lochiel was compelled to personally chastise his 
followers with whip and rod for attempting to 
escape to the North. Dr Cameron, his brother, 
was sent to the Highlands to bring back deserters, 
which he did, by not only threatening to burn their 
houses, but by killing their cattle and taking posses- 
sion of them for the use of the Jacobite army. Cluny 
Macpherson, Keppoch, Glengarry's son, and Glen- 
moriston, had all to resort to such methods to recruit 
their regiments. The last-named wrote to his wife, 
laying his commands upon her to deal in summary 
fashion with those who deserted, " by removal, raising 
the double rents, and other severe measures," declaring 
that if he lived to return he will raze such from his 
country and every place where he has interest ; Loch- 
garry and the other leaders sent strong detachments 
to compel the return of those who had escaped. 
Such, then, was the condition of the Prince's army 
when he began his advance into England. He was 
not a whit dismayed, and cheerfully trudged on foot, 
talked to the men, tried by the charm of his manner 
to infuse enthusiasm into the ranks ; and it was as 
much due to the personal influence he had acquired 
over them, as to the measures adopted, that desertion 
became less rife. 

The rapid and daring advance of the little army. 

, ~ THE "forty-five." 93 

their strange and picturesque garb, certainly struck 
terror into the people of the districts through which 
they passed. Exaggerated accounts of the ferocity 
of the Gael had preceded the expedition, and as the 
vanguard appeared, a general exodus of the villagers 
ensued, the stampede continuing until it was found 
that the " petticoated men " meant no harm. Stories 
have been rife as to unreasonable exactions made by 
the Highlanders, and deeds of violence have been 
placed to their credit. Strange scenes were certainly 
witnessed in the houses where the Prince's men were 
quartered, and the story of the sudden appearance of 
an armed Highlander in the house of a Mr Hewit in 
Carlisle may be given as explaining how much of the 
misrepresentation has arisen. The tale, as narrated 
by one of the parties to her cousin, is thus : — The 
wife and daughter of Hewit were alone in the house, 
when their attention was attracted by a great uproar 
in the street. Ere they could investigate the cause, 
the doorway was blocked by a " murderous-looking 
ruffian," with a drawn sword in his hand. At sight 
of the glittering blade, the ladies screamed for mercy, 
and falling upon their knees supplicated for, as they 
supposed, their lives. The strange-looking individual 
in tartans forthwith sheathed his sword ; drew his dirk 
and pistol, sticking the former in the table and placing 
the latter beside it. His action was, of course, mis- 
understood ; the ladies, thinking their last hour had 


arrived, screamed anew ; the Jacobite gesticulated, 
waved his arms, spoke excitedly an unintelligible 
gibberish ; finally indulging in wild whoops and cries 
he danced round the apartment — this hilarity, no 
doubt intended to reassure the women, had the 
opposite effect. They looked upon the performance 
as a species of war dance prior to execution, and 
renewed their entreaties. To conclude the scene in 
the words of M. Hewit : — 

" Then the agsasparated devil got 'is wapons to put 
ous derackly to death, and yelled for Tom Fowles a 
fraud of 'is to help 'im." But the Highlander had 
no murderous designs. He had evidently tried all in 
his power to make the ladies understand his good 
intentions, and when he failed he doubtless swore at 
them and departed. Another letter of this lady's, 
dated 1 3th January, among the Additional MSS., 
British Museum, shows the difficulty the parties had 
in communicating with each other : — 

" Me father, me mother and meself wear all that 
Stat at horn, and we had at last 90 rabbals in our 
hous each time, and whenever we refused anything 
they derackly drew their brodswords and that inded 
mad ous glad to dow for them." Many were the 
ludicrous scenes witnessed during the progress of the 
Highland army into England, and when we read of 
stories of violence, allowance must be made for the 
fact that it was difficult for the two peoples to under- 


Stand each other. On the one side there was fear and 
trembling, while it is permissible to suppose that the 
" sons of the mountains " lost patience with the stupid 
Sassenachs, who would not realise that no injury was 
to be done them. Nor must it be forgotten that 
before the Prince crossed the Border false stories 
were purposely disseminated, having for object an 
attempt to get the common people to resist and 
defend their hearths and homes against a foe repre- 
sented as barbarous savages. 

The advance of the Jacobites filled the Eoyalist 
leaders with consternation. When they were only 
supposed to be near the Borders they were in Carlisle ; 
and when the authorities in London thought they 
were hemmed in by Wade and Cumberland, lo ! they 
appeared at Manchester. Swift of foot, they marched 
at a swinging pace, which upset all the calculations of 
their opponents. When passing Falconfield Bridge 
at Penrith some of the townsmen attempted to count 
their numbers, and arrived at the conclusion that 
they did not exceed 3000 men, while others stated 
that 6000 men passed southward, with thirty-one 
baggage waggons, and twelve small pieces of 

Thirty years previously, the Scots Jacobites had 
been betrayed by the false assurances of the professed 
adherents of the Stuarts in England, and the same 
sad tale of broken promises has again to be recorded. 


In the '15, a section of the Scots army, under the 
leadership of Brigadier Mackintosh of Borlum — one 
of the most able and capable of the commanders in 
that rising — by a series of forced marches joined those 
in arms across the Border for the Chevalier de St 
George. After the rising had been suppressed, there 
was no section of the Stuart partisans so enthusiastic — 
on paper — as those south of the Tweed ; but when 
occasion offered, and when Charles, against the wishes 
of his Scots adherents, crossed the Borders, relying 
on the promises made, the English again held aloof, 
for, with the solitary exception of Manchester, no 
material assistance was received. Nothing daunted, 
Charles was determined to reach London, where, in fear 
and trembling, the King and his ministers debated as 
to the probability of the Duke of Richmond being 
able to check the advance of the foe. The Duke's 
forces were in so sad a plight that had the fact been 
known to the chiefs they would have continued their 
career of victory ; and, judging what might have been 
by his private correspondence, as well as that of those 
who were entitled to write authoritatively, there is 
no question that the Highlanders would have swept 
before them the sleepless, starved soldiers of the 
House of Hanover, and changed the history of our 
country. But the hand of God was against the race 
of Stuart — thus far and no farther seems to have been 
the fiat, and all that was accomplished was the utter 


humiliation of King George, and a retreat as masterly 
as was the advance. 

The exigencies of their position forced the followers 
of Charles back again to the Highlands of Scotland, 
where, amid scenes of fearful carnage, the last 
flickering hope of the Stuarts vanished. Well, 
indeed, did their leader merit the praise of Frederick 
the Great which appears in a letter among the 
Kenyan Papers : — 

"... All Europe was astonished at the greatness of your 
enterprise ; for, though Alexander and other heroes have 
conquered kingdoms with inferior armies, you are the only 
one who ever engaged in such an attempt without any . . . 
However, though Fortune was your foe, Great Britain, and 
not your Eoyal Highness, is a loser by it, as the difficul- 
ties you have undergone only serve to discover those rare 
talents and virtues which have gained you the admiration of 
all mankind, and even the esteem of those amongst your 
enemies in whom every spark of virtue is not totally extinct." 

The pity of it is that the man of such brilliant 
achievements should have been the victim of so dire 
a fate. 



The story of the part taken by Lord Macleod, son 
of the Earl of Cromartio, in the last Jacobite rising 
may form an interesting addition to the records we 
possess of many of the younger generation of Stuart 
partisans. After the experience of 1715, it would be 
thought that one of the Cromartie family would not 
plunge hurriedly into a similar undertaking. Yet, no 
sooner was the banner of Prince Charlie displayed, than 
the unrest and excitement of the Earl of Cromartie 
and his son attracted attention. The famous Lord 
President Forbes, ever ready in the performance of 
what he conceived to be his duty, on 23rd September 
1745, wrote to Cromartie desiring to know whether 
Macleod would accept of a captain's commission.- 
Cromartie replied that the circumstances, under which 
the offer was made, were so singular that he could not 
desire, nor was it Macleod's own inclination to accept 

But a far more dangerous correspondent next 
appears on the scene. Simon, Lord Lovat, of 
notorious memory, on 17th October addressed to the 


Earl one of those peculiarly effusive letters which are 
so characteristic of him. He informed Cromartie that 
the Master of Lovat " loved Lord Macleod as he loved 
himself, and was much vexed that he did not see him." 
The career of the two young nobles have been 
singularly alike. 

As the Stuart cause triumphed, Cromartie determined 
to throw in his lot with those in arms for the Prince, 
and, raising a considerable body of his retainers, 
marched southwards. The men were under command 
of Lord Macleod. When stationed at Perth in Nov- 
ember, the young Colonel's grand-aunt, the Lady 
Stonebyres, visited him for the purpose of inducing him 
to withdraw from the army, but he steadfastly refused, 
and complained bitterly of the bad usage he received 
at the hands of the Government, which, he said, forced 
him into the course he took. While at Perth he was 
active in the performance of his military duties, and, 
in his narrative of the campaign, tells how on one 
occasion his men, thinking he had returned home, left 
Perth, and, notwithstanding all the efforts of their 
officers, declined to return for a considerable time. In 
regard to the incident he says, " the only way one can 
keep these troops to their colours is by flattery and 
good words, and even winking at many disorders 
which would never have been allowed in a regular 
Macleod's men, with colours flying and pipes playing, 


soon after marched to Dunblane. He appears next at 
Stirling, and on 12tli January joined the Prince at 
Glasgow, being entertained to supper by Charles, 
who expressed astonishment that the Chief of the 
Mackenzies should have taken so active a part on the 
Hanoverian side. Macleod commanded a detachment 
of troops at Alloa, and was present at the battle of 
Falkirk. The regiment afterwards marched, under the 
command of Lord George Murray, by Aberdeen, Banff, 
and Strathbogie, thence to Inverness. After but an 
hour's rest in the latter place they were sent in pursuit 
of Lord Loudoun's troops. The Stewarts of Appin 
were placed in Foulis Castle, while the Macgregors 
held possession of Dingwall. By the 30th of March 
1746 the Duke of Perth arrived at Tain, to assume 
command of the Prince's men. Macleod's men com- 
prised the first division, landed near Dornoch, which 
dispersed Loudoun's troops on the moor of Embo, a 
success which compelled Loudoun, the Earl of Suther- 
land, Forbes of Culloden, and others to seek safety in 
flight. Lord Macleod next took up his quarters at 
Skelbo Castle, and while here the Stewarts and 
Macgregors seized three ships laden with Government 
stores at the Little Ferry. 

While staying at Skelbo orders were received for 
the regiment to proceed to Caithness to take up the 
revenues, and to encourage the Sinclairs to rise, — for 
they had already declared their willingness to take up 

LORD MACLEOD'S CAMTAIJi JJ^ 1^4^'. ; } ] ,1 ^ \^ 1"; 

arms, provided they were placed under the command 
of the Duke of Perth or Earl of Cromartie. As the 
Sutherland Militia were still in considerable force, the 
Earl of Cromartie remained at Dunrobin until his son's 
return. At Thurso, Macleod was overtaken by the 
men of Lochbroom, under command of the brother of 
Mackenzie of Ballone. Mackenzie of Ardoch was sent 
to Orkney, where he was heartily received, and after 
entertaining the gentlemen of the district to dinner, 
proposed that they should openly embrace the oppor- 
tunity of serving their lawful Prince — which they 
declined. The men of Caithness did not display much 
more enthusiasm, and on the day appointed for raising 
the standard at Spittle Hill only one gentleman 
appeared at the head of thirty indifferently armed 
retainers, and these, after being thanked for their 
attendance, were dismissed. 

Macleod being informed that a portion of Lord 
Loudoun's men were assembled on the Borders to 
attack him, resolved to proceed against them, and 
began his march into Sutherland, from Langwell, on 
the 13th April, the enemy dispersing at his approach. 
On the day before the battle of Culloden, the Earl of 
Cromartie, who was residing at Dunrobin, received 
orders to rejoin the Prince at Inverness, and within 
a few hours detachments of his men were on the 
march for the Little Ferry. As they advanced they 
were attacked by a considerable force of the Sutber- 

■1 Q2 / : ■. ; I ; ' ;. '."f f : historical notes. 

land Militia, who had been concealed near Culmaily, 
and ere long the flight of the men of Ross was cut off 
by the advance of a body of Lord Reay's men. After 
a stiff fight, Cromartie's men were worsted ; many 
perished in an attempt to escape across the ferry, 
whilst considerable numbers were slain, the others 
being taken prisoners. Cromartie, Macleod, and their 
officers retreated to Dunrobin, where they were cap- 
tured, and after some little delay were sent south. 

Macleod was arraigned on a charge of high treason, 
and a true bill was found against him on 23rd August 
1746. At his trial, on the 20th December foUowinof, 
he pleaded guilty, and addressing the Court, in words 
pathetic in their frankness, said : — 

" My Lords, — I stand indicted for one of the most heinous 
of all crimes, that of rebellion and treason against one of the 
best of kings, and my only rightful lord and sovereign. 
Would to God, my lords, I could not plead guilty to the 
charge. But as I cannot, I beg leave to assure your lordships 
my heart never was consenting to the unnatural and wicked 
part I then acted. Remember, my lords, my youth, and that 
I am in that state of life when an unhappy father's example 
is almost a law. But my heart is full, from the deep sense I 
have of his miseries and my own ; and I shall only add that, 
as I must and do plead guilty to the charge, if, on your lord- 
ships' kind representation of my case, His Majesty shall think 
fit, in his great goodness, to extend his compassion to me, 
what of future life and fortune I may ever have shall be 
entirely devoted to the service of His Majesty, on whose mercy 
I now absolutely throw myself." 

He received a free pardon, but on condition that he 


conveyed to the Crown, on attaining his majority, all 
right and title to the family estates, with which con- 
dition he complied. But he was yet to suffer the 
deepest humiliation. The friends who in the heyday 
of prosperity had been so gracious, now that times of 
adversity had come, held aloof ; nay, some of them had 
tortured the high-spirited youth with their miserable 
cavillings. He who could stand with unflinching 
courage before the deadly hail of shot and shell, was. 
not proof against the taunts or reproaches hurled at him 
by his relatives. All his actions were misconstrued; 
and. surely it was from a heart wellnigh broken, 
burdened with a sadness it alone knew, that Macleod 
wrote to his father on the 1 8th April 1749 the follow- 
ing letter, indicating his determination to go abroad >— 

" It cannot but be very disagreeable to me to find that there 
are some of my relations in Scotland who make it their busi- 
ness to carp at everything I do, and all this because I would 
not follow the scheme of life they laid down for me. They 
not only disapprove of every visit I make, but my going into 
any company, however mixed, my being at the most publick 
places, however indifferently frequented by people of all 
parties, and my very clothes, are offences of the highest 
nature. As this fully convinces me that they are resolved 
to disapprove of every step I can take, I was afraid, if you 
was acquainted with my design, they might attribute a part 
of this other imaginary offence to your share : it is to prevent 
any bad consequences of this nature that has determined me 
to act as I have done, and I declare before God that the 
above reason is my only inducement for so doing. As I have 
ever made my duty to my parents the inviolable rule of my 


conduct, so I shall always continue in the same sentiments, 
and shall with pleasure embrace every opportunity by which 
I can show it. 

" As idleness is certainly very detrimental to everybody, so 
it is likewise very shameful for a young man — especially for 
one in my situation — to loiter away his time when he ought 
to be pushing his way through the world. This has deter- 
mined me to offer my service to some of the Northern powers, 
where the approaching war offers a favourable opportunity 
to such as are determined to make a figure in the world, or 
perish in the attempt. I have as much money as will carry 
me to town ; and if I can get as much there as will carry me 
over the water, it will do very well. If not, I still think it 
better even to beg my bread over, and afterwards to carry a 
musket, than to continue any longer a burden to you." 

But misfortune clung tenaciously to the young 

noble, for, years after, we find him appealing to a 

brother exile — the famous Lord George Murray — for 

assistance, and through the latter's good offices he 

received a small annuity from the Chevalier St George. 

He entered the Swedish army, where he acquired great 

distinction, ultimately becoming A.D.C. to the King, 

who created him Count Cromartie. The tide had 

turned when next he came to his native country. On 

11th July 1758 the Lord Advocate of Scotland wrote 

to the Secretary of State, announcing Lord Macleod's 

presence in Edinburgh, — " 1 do not believe the young 

man has any bad intentions." Two days later 

Macleod himself wTites : — 

" That I have come to avoid fighting in the Swedish ai-my 
against any of His Majesty's allies, it being inconsistent with 

LORD MacLeod's campaign, i746. 105 

the duty and loyalty of a good and faithful subject to the King, 
penetrated with the deepest sense of gratitude for His 
Majesty's royal goodness and mercy to my father and to myself. 
Penetrated, as I am, with the deepest grief and remorse for 
having been engaged in the late unnatural rebellion, I should 
think myself happy could I wash out with ray blood the 
remembrance of that crime and of my past misconduct." 

To atone in measure for his share in the '45, he 
offered to raise a regiment for the service of the 
Government. His offer, as well as a similar one on 
the part of the Master of Lovat, was accepted, and 
these two nobles raised the Macleod (or 73rd) High- 
landers, and the Fraser Fencibles, each rendering the 
most distinguished service. Macleod was promoted 
to the rank of Major-General in the British Army, and, 
like the Master of Lovat, was further rewarded by the 
restoration of his ancestral property. Fickle fortune 
had smiled upon him once more, and he died amid 
scenes which indicated how completely he had won 
the affection of his dependants. 



It is well known that when the Highlanders en- 
tered Edinburgh, Prince Charlie's first care was that 
nothing should interfere with the usual religious 
services, and to secure this, the Prince, on the 21st 
September, sent a message to the houses of the clergy- 
requesting them to continue public worship as usual. 
He realised that their absence would be most pre- 
judicial to his cause, and so it happened, for, although 
people attended kirk on the following Sunday, none 
of the ministers appeared. As a matter of fact, Edin- 
burgh was not so intensely Jacobite as the agents of 
the Stuarts led them to believe, and Charles regarded 
the cessation of public worship as gravely significant. 
He, therefore, two days later repeated his request 
that no interruption should be given to public 
worship, and this was followed next day by a pro- 
clamation granting a free pardon to those of the 
clergy and laity who were associated against him, 
and who fled from their houses. Still the clergy, 
with two exceptions, held aloof, and the reason 
assigned by themselves was, that " they were warmed 


with the highest regard for His Majesty's person and 

When the Prince and his Highlanders, after their 
march into the heart of England, met the Govern- 
ment forces at Culloden and sustained a crushing 
defeat, the authorities sought by every means in their 
power to track down the malcontents who formed 
his army. To this end circulars were issued to all 
the clergy, schoolmasters, and excisemen throughout 
Scotland requesting lists of those persons concerned in 
the rebellion. Among others, such a request was sent 
to the ministers of Edinburgh, dated 30th May 1746, 
emanating from the Sheriffs Office, Edinburgh, and 
bearing the signature of Alexander Lind. The lists 
to be furnished were of those who were not concerned 
in the rebellion, so as to prevent unjust suspicions, 
and the following is contemporary copy of the reply 
sent by the ministers on the 4th June : — 

"Sir, — We, the ministers of the Gospel in the city and 
suburbs of Edinburgh, have each of us received your letter. 

" We would be extremely sorry if the well-affected to His 
Majesty's person and Government in our parishes should 
suffer any hardships from any unjust suspicions on account 
of this rebellion, though we hope nothing of this kind will 
happen from those who are now employed in the administra- 
tion, but though there was a great danger it is not in our 
power to prevent it by the method you propose. 

" The perplexed circumstances of this city and suburbs have 
deprived many of us of our annual lists of parishioners, so 
that we are strangers in a great measure to such as reside in 


our bounds, as considerable variations and changes have 
happened since last year ; and if these lists were made up we 
would not from thence know the heritors and life-renters who 
do not reside amongst us, but, in all the different shires in the 
nation, and, doubtless, a list of mere names of persons, whether 
residing or not, would give us but small light into their true 
character, seeing we had no proper opportunity of observing 
their conduct. 

" It is well known that many of us were obliged, while the 
rebels continued in this country, to leave our flocks and 
families ; and such as remained at home, being under necessity 
of concealing themselves, could not observe what persons 
joined the rebels by carrying arms, and as for such who have 
been otherwise concerned in the rebellion, the means of 
knowing their secret correspondence lie entirely out of our 
way ; any lists, therefore, we could furnish must be so very 
imperfect as to have small influence in protecting the innocent 
or promoting His Majesty's service ; but, on the contrary, if 
any weight was to be laid upon them, might perhaps screen 
the guilty from the proper inquiries into their conduct. 

" At the same time, we count it our honour that our loyalty 
has been so firm and unshaken during the whole course of 
this rebellion ; and as we have shown the warmest zeal to the 
utmost of our power for supporting His Majesty's Govern- 
ment against the Pretender and all his open and secret 
abettors, we are resolved never to faint in so glorious a cause. 
We must be allowed to express our concern, and look upon it 
as a misfortune, that any piece of service should have been 
desired of us by any officer of the law as useful for His 
Majesty's Government, which we have found impracticable, 
but it's no small comfort to us in this case that the public 
cannot thereby suffer any real loss, as there are many more 
certain extensive methods of discovering in this city and 
suburbs those who have or have not been concerned in the 
rebellion, than by any lists we are capable of furnishing, 
especially as we conceive it not proper to charge any person 


with a concern in the rehellion, but from our personal 

All the ministers of Edinburgh, with the exception 
of Patrick Cuming, signed the letter. This roused 
suspicion that Cuming was a Jacobite at heart, for he 
took but little part in their proceedings, and failed to 
see why they should be troubled in the matter at all. 

There were copies of the correspondence sent to 
the Lord Justice-Clerk, in order that " His Majesty's 
service may sufifer no unnecessary delaj'' " ; and a 
letter was also sent to Sir Everard Fawkener, the 
Duke of Cumberland's secretary, on the 5th June, 
together with the foregoing letter : — 

" Sir, — . . . The inviolable attachment of the Church of 
Scotland to the Protestant succession in the Illustrious House 
of Hanover, even in times of the greatest danger, is well 
known, and it is humbly apprehended that we have not been 
wanting to show on all occasions the same steadfast adherence 
to this righteous cause. 

" The present unaccountable and wicked rebellion, however 
mournful in itself, has afforded us many opportunities of 
testifying our unshaken loyalty to the best of kings, and 
invariable regard to our happy constitution. 

"We are extremely sensible that it is of the utmost 
consequence to the future peace and happiness of this nation 
that those persons should be discovered who in a most secret 
as well as open manner have been aiding to the audacious 
rebels; and are confident that our judging it impracticable 
to comply with Mr Lind's demand will not be mistaken as a 
design to favour a Jacobite party, in opposition to whose 
pernicious schemes we resolve, through divine grace, to resist 
even unto blood. 


"It will be obvious to you, sir, that giving characters of 
men by drawing up such lists as proposed, and the attesting 
their loyalty as not having been concerned any way in the 
rebellion, when we have not been able with certainty to know 
how they have conducted themselves, might perhaps screen 
rather than discover the guilty ; on the other hand, it might 
have no less disagreeable consequences to leave out of such 
lists men whose behaviour has been every way loyal, though 
not falhng under our observations; and as to those in the 
city and suburbs who may have carried arms against the 
Government, we can say nothing from our personal knowledge." 

The action of the clergy of Edinburgh, and, indeed, 
throughout the country, rather disappointed the 
authorities, who thought, on account of their high- 
flown professions of loyalty, that they would one and 
all adopt a system of espionage over their parishioners. 
Such " dirty work," as one of them characterised the 
proposal, was neither compatible "with the calling, con- 
venience, or dignity of the brethern," and they justly 
resented in as " safe a manner as possible the imperti- 
nence of my Lord Justice-Clerk." The schoolmasters 
adopted the same course, and thus the authorities had 
to depend upon the meagre lists forwarded by the 
officers of Excise throughout the country ; and these 
performed the disagreeable duty in a half-hearted 
manner — as evidenced by the lists of rebels pub- 
lished by the Scottish History Society. 

Sir Everard Fawkener, according to one of his 
letters, never placed faith in the parsons, and this is 
evident from the way in which, with gentle sarcasm, 


he replies to their effusive professions of loyalty from 
Fort- Augustus on 1 7th June : — 

" Eeverend sirs, — You will not, I daresay, be surprised to 
impute it to the neglect in me, that amidst the multiplicity of 
affairs I am involved in the acknowledgement of your letter 
of the 5 th has been a little deferred. I immediately laid it 
before His Eoyal Highness the Duke, who has been an eye- 
witness of the generous, steady zeal of the ministers of the 
Church of Scotland, in their just attachment to His Majesty 
and the Eoyal Family, and in the firm support of the holy 
religion they profess, and the laws and liberty they enjoy ; 
all violently assaulted at once by this monstrous and wicked 
rebellion. And when the application was made to the 
reverend the clergy with a view to procure some light into 
this detestable scene of confusion, it was not, I am persuaded, 
meant to lay them under any difficulties, either with regard 
to the means they may have of answering what was hoped by 
that application, or to their characters or functions, in giving 
information which may affect the lives and fortunes, or 
reputation of others. 

" The end of the Government is peace and security of the 
whole, and among the various means that must be tried for 
compassing it, and raising order out of this confusion, which 
can only be done by the blessing of the Almighty on our 
endeavours, this was thought of ; and it is not doubted, but 
separately and collectively every one of you will be pleased 
to put his sickle into so fair a harvest and be useful where 
he can, towards preserving so great a blessing on those 
immediately committed to his care. 

" The case is so common, that I don't know whether it will 
be allowable to remark it, that motives of pity are very apt 
to seduce, and that there will arise even against the strongest 
convictions of reason and truth, not only a compunction in 
the pursuit of those whose crimes have brought them into 
distress, but a kind of dislike of those who, setting aside all 


consideration of that kind, pursue their duty, unrelentingly ; 
but it must always be considered that the law knows not 
revenge, and that the sword is put by the Almighty into the 
hands of the Magistrate to protect the good by punishing the 
wicked, and it almost always happens that an ill-judged lenity 
is the greatest cruelty. 

" I shall only add, that I shall always know to what motive 
to attribiite any communications that may be made to me, 
and that such use shall be made of them as may show the 
greatest regard to the persons they may come from, and the 
strictest attention to the public welfare. — I am, with great 
truth and respect, &c. 

(Signed) "Everard Fawkener." 



There is probably no incident in the history of Britain 
that has taken such a hold upon the popular mind 
as the heroic attempt of Prince Charles Edward 
Stuart to recover the throne of his ancestors. It 
must be confessed, however, that sentiment and song 
have been successful in conveying to us a false 
impression of the rising of the '45, whether as re- 
gards its importance, or the sympathy it evoked. 
During recent years, historical research has thrown 
much light on the movement that proved so disastrous 
to the Stuarts and their partisans. Tradition and 
romance must yield to actual fact, and it is sad that 
those who, from childhood's years, have been taught to 
cherish the memory of the Jacobites for their loyalty 
and unselfish devotion, will have to confess that, with 
very few exceptions, there was nothing noble or 
unselfish in the motives that actuated our Highland 
chiefs in the '45. The gallant exploits of the High- 
land army threw such a glamour over the whole 
rising, which song and romance fostered, and so 
warped the judgment of many, that at last people 


forgot about the intimidation used to recruit the 
Jacobite forces. Many even of the present day 
declare that, if Macdonald, Macleod, and other chiefs 
were men of honour, and fulfilled their promises, the 
success of the rebellion would be assured. When, 
however, everything is taken into consideration, it is 
not at all surprising that the last Jacobite rising 
ended so disastrously. There were many lairds who 
were so enthusiastic as to serve as volunteers under 
their own servants, but their correspondence reveal, 
in many instances, the selfish motives that prompted 
them to do so. The name of one chief stands 
pre-eminent for unselfish loyalty ^ — " The Gentle 

" What praise, Cameron ! can the muse ascribe, 
Thou free from censure, as thou wast from bribe ; 
Unstain'd, unsully'd, in a corrupt age, 
Eeserv'd for fame in every poet's page : 
The sun shall fade, the stars shall lose their light, 
But Cameron's fame shall never suffer night : 
Bright as thyself it ever shall appear, 
To all good men, to God and angels dear ; 
Thou wast the first that lent thy friendly aid, 
Of no usurpers' bloody laws afraid : 
Thou wast the first, and thy example drew 
The honest, loyal, honourable few." 

The following list is of exceptional local interest. 
" Elgin List," contributed to the Nairnshire Tele- 
graph, was the first of the kind ever published in the 


North, or probably elsewhere, although during the 
last century or more, such a list was often called for. 
In some memoranda drawn up by Hugh Rose, Esq. of 
Aitnoch, who died at Nigg in February, 1791, there 
is a list of rebels in Nairn and Ross, and, with two 
exceptions, only the names of the principal tacksmen 
being given. It would appear that, soon after the 
battle of Culloden, the Supervisors of Excise through- 
out Scotland, were directed to forward to the Board 
of Inland Revenue, lists of all persons concerned in 
the rebellion, from their respective districts. These 
lists were arranged alphabetically. Some differ from 
others by giving the source of information, and the 
" whereabouts " of the rebels when the list was 

There are no separate lists for Inverness, Nairn, or 
Sutherland. The last county was quiet, with the 
exception of afev) thieves being in the hills. Accord- 
ing to the correspondence of the period, the Suther- 
landmen were anxious that their neighbours of 
Caithness should rise, so that they would be permitted 
to stay at home and protect their own country. 
Towards the close of the struggle, Sutherland became 
the theatre of operations, Loudoun was forced to 
retreat to this county — followed by the Earl of 
Cromarty, who took possession of Dunrobin Castle. 
Very few of the Sutherland or Caithness people 
joined him, and in April, when the Earl of Cromarty 


was recalled to Inverness, his men were attacked 
by the Sutherlands and Mackays, at the Little Ferry, 
and defeated. 

The Earl appears to have waited at Dunrobin for 
some time after his men marched, and when the 
victors captured the Castle he was taken prisoner. 
The Duke of Cumberland, writing to the Duke of 
Newcastle, on 18th April 1746, says: — 

" Lord Sutherland and Eeays people continue to exert 
themselves, and have taken one hundred rebels, whom I 
have sent for ; and I have good reason to believe that Lord 
Cromarty and his son are taken." 

Next day he writes that — 

" Lord Cromarty and his son, with about ten officers and 
150 private men, are just brought in by the Hound sloop. 
They were taken by Lord Sutherland's men in his county. 
Lord Cromarty himself at Dunrobin Castle." 

The list of officers is of interest : — 

"Earl of Cromarty; his son, Lord Macleod; Lieut.-Col. 
Mudell, Spanish service ; Capt. Mackenzie, brother to Ballon ; 
Capt. Eod. Macculloch of Glastullich ; Lieut. Rod. Mackenzie, 
brother to Keppoch, Lieut. Alexander Mackenzie, brother to 
Dundonald ; Lieut. Alexander Mackenzie of Corry ; George 
St Clair of Gees, Hector Campbell in Caithness ; Lieut. James 
Macrae, in Spanish service, and 152 private men." 

Not a few families will recognise the names of 
their ancestors among those who made a last stand 
for Britain's legitimate kings : — 
Thomas Anderson, ground-officer to Belmaduthie. Forced 


out several persons in and about Belmaduthie's ground 
to the rebellion. 

Thomas Bruce, servant to Earl Cromarty, New Tarbet, parish 
of Kilmuir (Cromarty). Attended the Earl, his master, 
at Perth and elsewhere. 

James Bain, son to Bain, in Knockbilly, Boggy, parish of 
Urquhart (Nairn). Was in arms with the rebels, and 
was servant to Donald Rioch, in Boggy. 

Simon Brodie, lived in Templand. Carried arms in rebel service. 

Roderick Chisholm, 4th son to Chisholm of that ilk, Erchless, 
parish of Kilmorack (Inverness). A captain in the 
rebel service. Headed about 80 of the Chisholms at 
battle of Culloden, himself and 30 whereof were killed 
upon the field. 

John Chisholm, servant to the Laird of Chisholm. Carried 
arms as a lieutenant in said company. Was wounded at 

Alex, Campbell, tenant and distiller, Brachahy, parish of 
Kilmorack (Inverness). Was ensign in said company, 
and was killed at battle of Culloden. 

Donald Cameron in Teahrowat, Donald Cameron in Kil- 
morack, John Cameron in Kilmorack (Inverness). All 
carried arms at Culloden. 

John Calder, son to James Calder, tenant in Miltown of 
Redcastle, parish of Killernan (Ross). Carried arms at 
Culloden, and has since absconded. 

John Erskine, officer of Excise, Dingwall (Ross). Was at 
Falkirk and Sutherland with the rebels, and threatened 
to burn some houses in Dingwall, in order to force the 
possessors to go with him to rebel service. 

Simon Eraser, Lord Lovat, Castle Downy, parish of Kiltarlity 
(Inverness). Supposed to have aided and assisted the 
rebels by ordering out his clan. 

Simon Eraser, Master of Lovat. Was one of the chief com- 
manders of the Erasers in the rebel service. 
Eraser, younger of Culboky, parish of Kiltarlity (Inverness). 


Was a captain of the Frasers, under Fraser of Inver- 

William Fraser of Culmiln, parish of Kiltarlity (Inverness). 
Was also a captain as above, and killed at Culloden. 

Alex. Fraser, son to Alex. Fraser of Eelick, parish of Kirkhill 
(Inverness). Captain of Frasers in rebel service. 

Alex. Fraser of Balchraggan, parish of Kirkhill, and Simon 
Fraser of Auchnadonch, parish of Kiltarlity. Were 
captains of the Frasers, under Inverallochy. 

John Fraser, tenant in Bewly, parish of Kilmorack (Inver- 
ness), and Simon Fraser of the same place. Were 
soldiers in rebel service, Simon being killed at Culloden. 

John Fraser, tenant, Wellhouse, parish of Kilmorack, rebel 
sergeant, living sometimes at home. 

John Fraser, tenant, Teawigg, parish of Kilmorack. Was in 
arms at Culloden, supposed to be killed. 

John Fraser, son to Fraser of Moydie, Kilmoiack. In rebel 
service, supposed to be killed at Culloden. 

Roderick Fraser, tenant in Limaire (?), Kilmorack, Alex. 
Fraser, tenant there, William Fraser, piper to Lord 
Lovat, and David Fraser, also piper to Lord Lovat, Castle 
Downy. All carried arms in rebel service. 

John Fraser, broguemaker, Balnamuick, parish of Urray 
(Ross). Was with the rebels in Sutherland. 

Donald and James (sons to James Fraser, tenant in Bala- 
galken), parishes Logic and Urquhart, Nairn. The 
former carried arms at Falkirk, the latter in Sutherland, 
where he was killed. 

John Forbes, merchant in Tain (Ross). Was storekeeper in 
Tain for the rebels. 

Alex. Fraser, parish of Kincardine (Ross). Was a soldier 
Pitcalnie's rebel company [Malcolm Ross, eldest sou of 
Alexander 6th of Pitcalnie, when in College in Aberdeen 
joined " Prince Charlie," was attainted. His grand- 
mother was the sister of President Forbes of Culloden]. 

Hugh Ferguson, lately servant to Lord Nairn, 


Hugh Fraser, son to William Fraser, merchant, Culbocky, 

Urquhart (Eoss). Deserted from the rebels at Falkirk, 

now in Culcairn's company (Munro of Culcairn, who 

raised men on behalf of the Government). 
Charles Graham, Tain (Eoss). Was a soldier in Cromarty's 

regiment, taken prisoner in Sutherland. 
Peter Cow, gardener, Bewly, Kilmorack (Inverness). Carried 

arms in rebel service, being forced out by Master of Lovat. 
Alexander Grant, son to Peter Grant, Coromaly, parish of 

Contin (Eoss). Was employed in Pretender's service, 

which Donald Eeoch and Kenneth Grant in Contin can 

Donald Gollan, Avoch, parish of Avoch (Eoss). Transported, 

being taken prisoner. 
John- and Finlay Glass, broguemaker in Miltown of Eed- 

castle, parish of Killernan (Eoss). Carried arms, and 

both taken prisoners. 
Alexander Gordon, lately merchant in Cromarty, parish of 

Cromarty (Cromarty). Was publicly seen in arms with 

the rebels at Tain. 
Andrew and George Hood, brothers. Tain, parish of Tain 

(Eoss). Both carried arms as soldiers in Earl of 

Cromarty's regiment. 
Kenneth Mackenzie, brother to Laird of Fairburn, parish of 

Urray (Eoss). A schoolboy. Was a captain in Barris- 

dale's rebel regiment. 
Alexander Mackenzie of Lentran. Was a major in Barris- 

dale's regiment. Two of Mackenzie's brothers, whose 

names are not given, were also in the rebel service. 
Mr William Mackenzie, brother to Laird of Kilcoy, Kinellan, 

parish of Contin (Eoss). Was a captain of Mackenzie's, 

in rebel service. 
Mackenzie, Earl of Cromarty, New Tarbet, parish of Kilmuir 

(Cromarty). Was a colonel of ^ regiment in rebel 

service ; and his sou, Lord Macleod, had a command in 

the rebel army. Both prisoners. 


William Mackenzie, brother to Allangrange, parish of 
Killernan (Eoss). Was a captain in Cromarty's regi- 

Alexander Mackenzie, tacksman of Killend (?), parish of 
Avoch (Eoss). Served as an officer in rebel army 
— witnesses, the minister of CuUicudden, and James 
Grant, officer of Excise. 

Colin Mackenzie, late merchant in Edinburgh, Brea, parish 
of CuUicudden, Eoderick M'Culloch of Glastullich, 
parish of Fearn. Carried arms, and taken prisoner in 

Alexander Mackenzie, son to the deceast Lauchlan Mackenzie, 
tenant, Milton of Ord, parish of Urray (Eoss). Was a 
lieutenant in Cromarty's regiment, and wounded in 

John Macwilliam, son to Donald Macwilliam, tenant, Bala- 
valick, parish of Urray (Eoss). Was with the rebels at 

Kenneth Moir, broguemaker, Milton of Ord, parish of Urray 
(Eoss). Was with the rebels in Sutherland. 

John Macdonald, Balnamuick, Loggy, parish of Urray (Eoss). 
Was hired by Alexander Maclennan to serve in the rebel 
army for him, he being obliged to find them a man. 

John M'Currathy, servant to Mr Wm. Mackenzie, Urray 
(Eoss). Enlisted in His Majesty's service, but deserted 
from Kilwinnhing (?), and served the rebels. 

Alex. M'Connachy, son to Alex. M'Connachy in Balnamuck, 
Urray (Eoss). Was a private man in Cromarty's regi- 
ment — said to be advanced to a lieutenant. 

Hugh Macbean, living in Bewly, parish of Kilmorack (Inver- 
ness). Said to be forced into rebel service by the Master 
of Lovat. 

Farquhar Macnally (?), tenant in Bewly, parish of Kilmorack 
(Inverness). Carried arms in rebel army. 

Alex. Maciver, tenant, Wellhouse (same parish). Was a 
sergeant in rebel army, and wounded at CuUoden. 


Eoderick Maclean, in Bridgehouse (same parish), and John 
Macwilliam in Kibnorack. Were with the rebels, the 
latter being taken prisoner. 

Thomas Macwilliam, in Plaitvaich (same parish). Carried 
arms with the rebels at Culloden. 

Donald Macandrew, Fairly (same parish). Was with the 
rebels in Sutherland. 

James Macildonich, Brackahy(same parish). Carried arms at 

Murdoch Mackenzie, son to Colin Mackenzie, late bailie in 
Dingwall (Eoss). Forced out some of the inhabitants of 
Dingwall to go with him to the rebel service. 

James Macdonald, tanner in Dingwall (Eoss), and Murdoch 
Macdonald, tenant there. Said to be forced in the 
•service by the said Murdoch Mackenzie. 

George Mackenzie, son to John Mackenzie, Achternood 
(Eoss). Was in arms with Earl of Cromarty in Suther- 

Mr Donald Mackenzie, tenant, Irnhavanny, Littertay (Eoss). 
Was a captain under Cromarty; has absconded since 
battle of Culloden. 

Donald Macintyre, Milton, parish of Kilmuir (Cromarty). 
A servant to the Earl of Cromarty in the rebellion. 

George Mackenzie, James Macdusky (?), and Kenneth Mac- 
lennan, lived at Milton of New Tarbet, parish of Kil- 
muir (Cromarty). All carried arms in Cromarty's rebel 

Eoderick Macfarquhar, Spital of Eedcastle, parish of Killer- 
nan, and John, his son. The first was a captain, and the 
last a lieutenant of the rebels in Sutherland. 

Colin Mackenzie, in Chapelton of Eedcastle, parish of Killer- 
nan. Was with the rebels at Culloden. 

Donald Macfarquhar, son to Wm. Macfarquhar, in West 
Culmore, of Eedcastle (same parish). Was with the 
rebels in Sutherland. 

Kenneth Farquhar, Newton of Eedcastle (same parish), and 


Farquhar Macfarquhar, of same place. Were with the 
rebels in Sutherland ; the former being taken prisoner. 
John Mackenzie, son to Thomas Mackenzie, Backtown of 
Eedcastle (same parish), and Donald Maclennan, Gar- 
guston of Eedcastle. Were with the rebels in Suther- 
land, now lurking in the county. 
Murdoch Mitchell, servant, Dalminock. Was with the rebels 

in Sutherland. 
Theodore Mackenzie, son to Alex. Mackenzie, mason, Easter 

Callichy. Was in arms with rebels in Sutherland. 
Alexander Mackenzie, late grieve to Belmaduthie, now at 
Coull, Contine (Koss). Was employed in forcing out 
men into the rebellion in the lands, late Lord Eoyston's, 
which, he asserts, was by His late Majesty's orders. 
Now prisoner in Inverness. 
William Mann, servant, Pitfoord (? Pitfour), Avoch (Eoss), 
John Moir, Templand, and William Mann. These were 
all in arms with the rebels. 
James Nicol, merchant, Avoch. Was with the rebels. 
Donald Paterson, sen., East Kessock of Eedcastle, and 
Donald Paterson, jun. (same place), with Murdoch Pater- 
son, son to John Paterson, tenant, Tulloch of Eedcastle, 
parish of Kilmuir. Were with the rebels at battle of 
Culloden ; skulking up and down the country. 
Lauchlan Paterson, Blairdow of Eedcastle. Was with the 
rebels in Sutherland, now lurking ; and Andrew, son to 
Andrew Paterson in Kessock, was also with the rebels 
in Sutherland, and absconded since skirmish there. 
George Eeid in Templand, Avoch ; and John Eeid, son to 

John Eeid, Petfoord, Avoch. Were with the rebels. 
Eonald Eoss, Milton of Ord, Urray (Eoss). Was with the 

rebels, and taken prisoner in Sutherland. 
Hugh Eoss, tenant, Balavalick, Fodderty parish (Eoss). Taken 

prisoner at Culloden. 
Donald Eeoch alicis Eoss, brother to Don. Eeoch, tenant, 
Contine. Was sometime a sailor with John Eeid in 


Cromarty, to save his brother's goods took on him the 
name of rebel captain under Barisdale at Tain and 
• Sutherland. 

John Eoss, mason, Chapelton of Eedcastle, parish of Killer- 
nan, and James Eoss, tenant, Knockbreak, parish of 
Kilmuir. Went with the rebels to Sutherland. 

Thomas Eoss and Angus Eoss alias M'Wm., Tain, served in 
Cromarty's regiment, now enlisted in Master of Eoss's 

John Eobertson, Milton of New Tarbet, parish of Kilmuir 
(Cromarty), and William Eoss alias Eeoch, Tain. Were 
soldiers in Cromarty's regiment. 

John Sutherland, Eosskeen, parish of Eosskeen (Cromarty). 
A servant to Lord Macleod. 

William Sutherland, dyster, Barntown, Urray. Served in 
Sutherland under Barrisdale, but forced Callum Stewart, 
son of James Calder, Milton of Eedcastle. Went with 
the rebels to Sutherland, and since absconded. 

Kenneth Simpson in Dunvarny, parish of Urquhart (Nairn). 
Went with the rebels wearing white cockade. 

Thomas Taylor in Bridge House, parish of Kilmorack (Inver- 
ness). Was at Culloden in rebel service. 

Kenneth Urquhart, son to deceast Thomas Urquhart of 
CuUicudden (Cromarty). Was with the rebels, and is 
now lurking about his mother's house in that part. 

William Urquhart, late servant to William Mackenzie, 
Kennedar, Contiu (Eoss). Was with the rebels at 
battle of Falkirk, and in Sutherland. 

William Wilson in New Tarbet, parish of Kilmuir (Cromarty). 
Was a soldier in Earl Cromarty's regiment. 



In Morayshire the Jacobites received a considerable 
accession of strength, and the list of " Prince Charlie's 
Friends " in the district is more full than that for any 
other quarter. This may have been due in a measure 
to the vigilance and exertions of Mr John Campbell, 
supervisor of excise, Elgin, and his assistants, as well 
as to the fact that the list includes many Inverness- 
shire names — not elsewhere to be foimd. It therefore 
possesses a more than local interest. 

The remarks concerning some of the followers of 
the Prince are curious. There was Charles Fraser of 
Fairfield, who sold his commission in Cornwallis' 
regiment to become adjutant-general in the army 
of Charles; while another Fraser, the tacksman of 
Latehome, was an officer, and violently zealous. Of 
the activity of Glenbucket there can be no question, 
for, although sufi'ering intensely from rheumatism, he 
buckled on his claymore, and woe betide the man who 
refused his call ! 

It will be noticed how many were forced out, and 
how Cluny Macpherson is said to have compelled his 


retainers to carry arms under threats of burning their 

belongings ; — 

William Anderson, wigmaker, Inverness. Subordeniug in- 
dependent companies to join rebel army. 
John Allanock, merchant, Clashmoer. Carried arms in rebel 

army as a private man. 
Thomas Bain, shoemaker, Inverness. Envigiling independent 

companies to join rebel army. 
John Bremner, servant, Jackburry. Carried arms as a 

volunteer in rebel army. 
John Brown, Ballindoun. Was a private in rebel army, 

forced out and deserted. 
John Bain, jun., Glenconles. Forced to serve as a private in 

said army and submitted to King's mercy. 
Archibald Bain Stewart, Delavoir. Forced to serve as a 

private in said army and submitted to King's mercy. 
Angus Briber M'Kinteer, Auchloune. Served as a private in 

rebel army and was active in plundering. 
John Binnachee, weaver, Belandie. Carried arms, being 

forced out, has submitted himself. 
James Bowie, Sami. Deserted from rebel army which he 

had joined. 
Eobert Cuthbert, shoemaker, Inverness. Endeavoured to 

trapan independent companies into rebellion. 
John Clark, indweller, Euthven. Was a quarter-master in 

rebel army and very active in his station. 
John Gumming, residenter, Inverness. Voluntarly entered 

rebel service and got an officer's commission. 
John Cuming, Tombea. Was an oflticer in rebel army, but 

deserted and has submitted. 
Lauchlan Cuming, Tomintoul. Carried arms as a private man. 
Robert Cameron, Keppoch. Was a private in rebel army, 

but forced out, has submitted. 
John Cruickshank, deserter, Delavoiar. Carried arms as a 

private man. 


Robert Cruickshank, Delavoiar. Was forced out in arms, but 

has submitted. 
Hector Cruickshank, Delavoiar. Carried arms in rebel 

service, being compelled. 
Donald Campbell, Foderlitter. Carried arms as a private 

man, has submitted. 
John Campbell, Foderhtter. Carried arms in rebel service, 

has submitted. 
William Coutts, Inverury. Carried arms in rebel service as 

a private man. 
John Cameron, Croftbain. Carried arms as a private or 

sergeant in rebel army. 
Evan Cameron, travelling taylor. Was at plundering of 

Culloden House, carried arms, working at his trade. 
Alex. Cameron, servant to Balmenock. Carried arms as a 

Robert Cruickshank, Badiglashan. Was compelled to carry 

arms for rebels and has submitted. 
John Cameron, miller, Ruthven. Carried arms, has submitted 

to King's mercy. 
Samuel Douglas, late supervisor of excise, Forres. Collected 

excise for the rebels, and was very active in his station. 
James Dolles of Cantra, Cantra. Was a captain in rebel 

army, and recruited his own company. 
John Davidson, Inchnakep. Compelled to carry arms in 

rebel army, has submitted. 
John Davidson, Achreachan. Carried arms and has submitted 

John Dow Farquharson, servant in Achreachan. Served in 

rebel army as a private, has submitted. 
Angus Dow Stewart, Achnahoyle. Forced into rebel army, 

has submitted. 
Angus Derg, Tombreck of Foderliter. Served in rebel army 

and was very active in plundering, has submitted, 
James Davidson, Glenconles. Carried arms in Pretender's 



George Davidson, Glenconles. Carried arms as a private man. 

George Davidson, Glenconles. Carried arms with the rebels. 

Alex. Finlay, weaver, Elgine. Carried arms as a volunteer 
in rebel army. 

James Forsyth, town officer, Forres. Carried arms and re- 
cruited men for rebels. 

Alex. Fordyce, servant, Windyhills. Carried arms as 
volunteer in rebel army. 

Hugh Fraser, merchant, Inverness. An adjutant, and carried 
arms in said rebel army. 

William Fraser of Dolerig, Stratherrick. Carried arms as an 
officer in said army. 

Donald Fraser, smith, Moy. A captain in rebel army, pro- 
moted on account of great services. 

Charles Fraser, jun. of Fairfield, Kinmylies. Sold his lieu- 
tenancy in Cornwallis' regiment, and was adjutant- 
general to rebels. 

Hugh Fraser, wright, Merton. Acted as an officer in rebel 

James Fraser of Foyers, Stratherrick. A captain in said 
army and very active in serving that interest. 

Simon Fraser, farmer, Delhaple. A captain in said army, 
and very active in his station. 

Alex. Fraser, Culduthel's brother, Inchnacardock. A captain 
in said army, and very active in his station. 

William Fraser, merchant, Fort-Augustus. Entered rebel 
service, became captain in enlisting those they had taken 

Hugh Fraser, farmer, Dorburn. Was a captain and very 
active in his station. 

Alex. Fraser, John Eoy's son, tenant of Stratherrick. An 
officer in rebel army and very active. 

John Fraser, jun. of Bochraben, Castle Downie. A very 
active officer in rebel army, influenced by Lord Lovat. 

Alex. Fraser, taxman, Latehome. An officer in rebel army 
and violently zealous. 


John Fraser, taxman, Stratherrick. An officer in rebel army 

and very active in enlisting men. 
Hugh Fraser, son to said, Stratherrick. Was an officer in 

rebel army. 
William Fraser, farmer, Kirktown. Carried arms and very 

active in his station, but said to be forced by Lord 

Simon Fraser, vintner, Stratherrick. An officer in said army 

and advised Mr Grant to join them also. 
John Fraser, cotter, Englishtown. Carried arms at battle of 

Culloden, forced out by Lord Lovat. 
Thomas Fraser, smith, Englishtown. Carried arms at battle 

of Culloden, compelled by Lord Lovat. 
John Fraser, farmer, Englishtown. Carried arms at battle of 

Culloden, compelled by Lord Lovat. 
John Fowler, farmer, Kingussie. Carried arms, was very 

active in his station, but forced out by Cluny. 
Donald Farquharson of Achrachan, Glenconles. A captain in 

rebel service and very active in raising men. 
John Farquharson of Allery, Elect. Acted as an officer in 

rebel army. 
Kobert Farquharson, Mill of Achrachan. An ensign in said 

army, was at spoiling Culloden House. 
James Fraser, Upper Cults. Carried arms with rebels, but 

has submitted himself. 
Donald Farquharson, servant, Glenconles. Was compelled 

by rebels to carry arms, has submitted. 
Eobert Dow Farquharson, Elect. Carried arms with the 

William Finlay, Crachlay. Carried arms in rebel service. 
James Fleming, Crachlay. Carried arms in rebel service, has 

John Fraser, Auchrachan. Forced into rebel service, has 

John Fleming, Findrau. Carried arms with the rebels, de- 
serted them Feb. 17, 45-6. 


Patrick Forbes, Balwater. Forced by rebels to carry arms, 

has submitted. 
John Fleeming, servant to Glenbucket, Balwater. Was very 

active in raising men for rebels, has submitted. 
Andrew Farquharson, Balintown. Forced out by the rebels, 

has submitted. 
John Forbes, merchant, Candlemore. Carried arms with 

rebels, has submitted himself. 
Thomas Fraser, Balacharn. Acted as sergeant in rebel army. 
George Farquharson, Tombea, Tombea. Collected the cess 

and excise for the rebels. 
Cosmus Farquharson of Tombea, jun., Tombea. Carried arms 

in the rebel army. 
John Forbes, Wester Auchmore. Carried arms in said army. 
John. Forbes, Ballundie. Carried arms in said army, being 

Eobert Fleeming, Mill Achdregnie. Carried arms in said 

Donald Fleeming, Mill Achdregnie. Carried arms in said 

army at Culloden battle. 
James Ferguson, Tomintoul. Carried arms in rebel army. 
James Forbes, Ballundie. Forced by rebels to carry arms in 

their service. 
John Gordon of Cordregny, Cordregny. Carried arms in 

rebel army, submitted himself. 
Patrick Gordon, son to Cordregny, Cordregny. Carried arms 

in rebel army, submitted himself. 
Lewis Gordon, Miln of Logan. Carried arms, and collected 

the cess for the rebels. 
Alexander Grant, Nether Clunie. Carried arms in the rebel 

army in the character of an officer. 
John Gordon of Glenbucket, St Bridget. Major-General in 

the rebel army, and was very active in prisoners and re- 
cruiting men. 
David Gordon of Kirkhill, Delavoir. A lieutenant in the 

rebel army, 



John Gordon, son to Glenbiicket, Auchrcachan. Raised men 

for the rebels, took the name of Col : but was not above 

a week with them. 
Thomas Gordon of Foderliter, Fodderliter. Was a captain in 

rebel army under influence of Glenbucket, said to be in 

William Gordon, grandson to Glenbucket, Auchreachan. 

Was a captain in rebel army. 
John Grant of Inverlochy, Inverlochy. Was adjutant in 

said army. 
James Gordon, Auchluanie. An officer in said army. 
John Gordon of Minmore, Minmore. A rebel captain, and 

behaved discreetly, and protected houses of Sir H. Innes 

and several ministers. 
Alexander Gordon, Eefrish. Was a lieutenant in rebel army. 
William Grant of Blairtinde, Blairfinde. Carried arms, and 

was lieutenant in rebel army, has submitted to the 

King's mercy. 
John Grant, son to Blairtinde, Blairfinde. Lieutenant in said 

army, but deserted. 
Alexander Grant, Logan of Blairfinde. Lieutenant in said 

army, but deserted. 
James Grant, Logan of Blairfinde. Ensign in rebel army, 

submitted himself. 
David Grant, son to Blairfinde, Blairfinde. Was an otlicer 

of the rebels. 
John Grant, Loanbeg. Was ensign in said army. 
John Gordon, Clashmore. Was ensign in said army, but 

submitted himself. 
Alexander Grant, brother to Neive. Ensign in rebel army. 
John Grant of Deskie, Deskie. Carried arms as a private 

man, submitted to King's mercy. 
Alexander Grant, son to Deskie, Deskie. Was an ensign in 

the rebel army. 
John Grant, son to Deskie, Deskie. Was a private man in 

said army. 


John Gordon, son to Foderliter, Fodderliter. Was an officer 

in the rebel army. 
George Gordon, son to Foderliter, Fodderliter, Carried 

arms in the rebel army, submitted to the King's 

Charles Grant, a deserter, Tomdonach. Lieutenant in the 

rebel army. 
William Gordon, Dell. A sergeant in said army, forced out 

and submitted. 
John Grant, weaver, Tombreck. Carried arms in said army, 

but deserted and submitted himself, 
Robert Gauld alias M'Pherson, Ruthven. Private man in 

rebel army, insulted the country people, 
Alexander Gow, Ruthven. Private man in rebel army, 

insulted the country people. 
Patrick Grant, Inchnakep. Forced out with the rebels, has 

submitted himself. 
John Gordon, Inchnakep. Carried arms in the rebel army, 

has submitted. 
George Gordon, Newtown. Was a private man in said army, 

has submitted. 
John Gordon, Loynavore. Carried arms in said army, 
William Grant, Findran. Carried arms in said army, has 

Mr William Grant, a popish priest, Baliwater. Directing 

the rebels. 
William Grant, Tomintoul. A private man in rebel service, 

forced out, but has submitted. 
George Gordon, Tomintoul, A private man in rebel service, 

forced out, but has submitted. 
William Roy Grant, Balnakull. A private man in said 

service, submitted to King's mercy, 
Donald Grant, Easter Galurg. Carried arms in rebel army, 

forced out, has submitted. 
Donald Gibenach, Delavoir. Was a private in rebel army, 

forced out, has submitted. 


Peter Grant, Delavoir, Was a private in rebel army, forced 

out, has submitted. 
Grigor Grant, Delavoir, Was a private in rebel army, forced 

out, has submitted. 
Donald Gordon, Delavoir. Carried arms in said army. 
James Grant, Dalnabo. Carried arms in said army, forced 

Thomas Gauld, Auchlounie. Carried arms in said army, being 

forced out. 
William Grant, Foderhter. Carried arms in said army, sub- 
Peter Grant, Wester Foderliter. Was a sergeant in rebel 

army and a resetter of plunder, has submitted himself. 
John Grant, merchant, Tomintoul. Carried arms in rebel 

army, has submitted. 
Lewis Grant, son to William Grant, Little Neive. Carried 

arms in rebel army, was at spoiling CuUoden House, 

has submitted. 
William Grant, servant, Clagan. Was a private man in rebel 

John Grant, Tomavelan. Was a private man in rebel army. 
John Grant, Upper Drumin. Carried arms as a private man 

in rebel army, or as a sergeant, submitted. 
James Gordon, Cross of Minmore. Carried arms as a private 

man in rebel army. 
William Gordon, Glenrines. Carried arms as a private man 

in rebel army. 
James Gauldie, jun., Pittash. Carried arms as a private 

man in rebel army. 
Alexander Gordon, Backside of Clashnever. Carried arms 

as a private man in rebel army, active in plundering 

Culloden House, said to be forced out. 
Eobert Gordon, Nether Clashnever. Was a sergeant in rebel 

Alexander Grant, Cuher. Carried arms as a private man in 

rebel army. 


Neil Grant, Tomahanan. Carried arms as a private man in 

rebel army, but forced out. 
Lewis Gow, Knock of Achnahoil. Carried arms as a private 

man in rebel army, but forced out. 
Thomas Gibernach, Skula. Was a private man in rebel 

John Gauld, Achnasara. Was a private man in rebel army. 
Alexander Gauld, Achnasara. Was forced out by rebels to 

carry arms, has submitted himself. 
Peter Grant, Galurg. Was forced into rebellion, and twice 

William Grant, son to Angus Grant, sometime in Tomavelan. 

Served as a soldier in rebel army, was active in plunder- 
ing country. 
William Grant, Galurg. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Ishmail Gordon, servant. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Ludovic Gordon, merchant, Elgin. Carried arms in rebel 

horse, was in rebellion 1715. 
William Grant, wright, Windyhills. Was a lieutenant in 

rebel army and enlisted men. 
John Gray, servant, Ironside. Carried arms in said army as 

a volunteer. 
Alexander Grant, writer, Inverness. Was a captain in said 

James Gordon, messenger-at-arms, Kinglanis Boat. Prompted 

out people into the rebellion, and discharged the minister 

from praying for His Majesty. 
Alexander Grant, farmer, Croftbain. Carried arms, and was 

very active, but said to be forced. 
John Grant, farmer, Croftbain. Carried arms, and was very 

active in his station, but said to be forced. 
Thomas Hutch, merchant, Elgin. Carried arms as a volunteer. 
Alexander Hendrie, farmer, Dykeside. Carried arms as a 

volunteer in rebel army. 
Thomas Houstoun, farmer, Drummyample. Was adjutant 

and paymaster in said army. 


Thomas Innes, wright, Coltfield. Carried arms as a volunteer 

with rebels. 
Alexander Innes, Balmdrowan. Forced out to carry arms by 

the rebels, deserted them in Feb. 1745-6. 
John Innes, Balmdrowan. Forced out to carry arms by the 

rebels, deserted them in April 10th, 1746. 
Robert Innes, "Wester Foderliter. Forced out to carry arms 

by the rebels, has submitted himself. 
John Kennedy, servant, Daskie. Carried arms as a private 

man in rebel army. 
Liidovick Kay, gentleman, Ironside. Acted as an officer in 

rebel army. 
Alexander Leigh, wigmaker, Elgin. Active in prompting 

others to go into the rebellion. 
Charles Leslie, brother to Findrassie, Findrassie. Eecruited 

for the rebels, and robbed the country of arms, and was 

very active at chanonry. 
William Logie, porter, Elgin. Was very active in giving 

intelligence to the rebels. 
William Lindsay, Cruchlay. Carried arms in rebel army. 
William Lamb, Achnahoyle. Carried arms in rebel army, 

has submitted himself. 
John M'Kenzie, chyrurgeon, Elgin. Served as surgeon in 

rebel army, and was very active, said to be. 
William M'Kenzie, residenter, Elgin. Carried arms in said 

army, deluded by David Tulloch. 
Peter Matthew, farmer, Blervie. Carried arms as a volunteer 

with the rebels. 
Alexander Man, son to James Man, farmer. Grange. Carried 

arms as a volunteer in said army. 
John M' Arthur, brewer, Inverness. Carried arms with rebels 

and went with them into England, prisoner. 
Donald M'Donald, brewer, Inverness. Was a pensioner of 

Chelsea, but carried arms as a lieutenant in rebel army. 
Gillen M'Beau, brewer, Dalonagarrie. Was major in rebel 

army, and very active in his station. 


Lauchlan M'Kintosh, merchant, Inverness. A lieutenant- 
colonel, and enlisted many men. 

John M'Lean, writer, Inverness. Was an officer in said army, 
and served voluntarily. 

Alexander M'Donald, residenter, Inverness. Carried arms as 
a volunteer in said army. 

John MMavis of G-artenbeg, Stratherrick. Was an officer in 
rebel army, and at battle of Falkirk. 

Alexander M'Javis, Gartenbeg's brother, Stratherrick. Was 
an officer in rebel army, and active in forcing men into 
the service. 

Alexander M'Gillavrae of Dunmaglass, Dunmaglass. Was a 
colonel in rebel army, and very active, said to be forced 
out by Lady M'Kintosh. 

Alexander M'Kintosh, taxmau of Elrig, Elrig. Was a cap- 
tain in said army, very active, said to be forced out. 

Alexander M'Gillavray, taxman, Petty. Was a captain in 
said army, and very active in his station. 

Robert M'Gillavray, farmer, Petty. Was an officer in said 

Archibald M'Gillavray, brother to said Robert Petty. Was 
an officer in said army, voluntarily engaged. 

Angus M'Kintosh of Pharr, Pharr. A captain in said 
army, and very active, said to be forced out by I^dy 

Simon M'Kintosh, son to Thomas M'Kintosh, Daviot. In- 
structed in excise, was an officer in rebel army. 

Roderick Mitchell, shoemaker, Fort- Augustus. Carried arms, 
and was very active in plundering. 

John M'Laren, vintner, Fort- Augustus. Carried arms, active 
in plundering. 

Donald M'Donald of Lochgarry, Culachy. Was once lieu- 
tenant in Lord Loudoun's regiment, accepted a colonel's 
commission from rebels. 

Donald M'Donald of Scotas, Scotas. Was a captain in rebel 
service, and levied the cess for them. 


Angus M'Donald, Greenfield, Garis Loch. Was a captain in 

said army, and assisted in levying the cess for them. 
Eonald M'Donald, Skian, Skian. Was a captain in said 

army, and assisted in levying the cess for them. 
John M'Donald, Arnabea, Arnabea. Was a captain in said 

army, and very active in his station. 
Ronald M'Donald, brother to Arnabea, Arnabea. Was an 

officer in rebel army, and active in levying the cess. 
Alexander M'Donald, Ochtera, Octer. A captain in rebel 

army, and active in levying the cess. 
Allan M'Donald, son to Laird of Leek, Leek. Had an officer's 

commission in said army, was very active. 
Alexander M'Donald, son to Laird of Leek, Leek. Was a 

rebel officer, and very active 
Donald M'Donald, Lundee, Lundee. Was a captain in rebels, 

and active in levying the cess. 
Donald M'Donald, son to Lundee, Lundee. An officer in 

rebel army, and active in his station. 
Alexander Martine, Candelmore. Carried arms in rebel 

service, and is 
Evan M'Gregor, Candelmore. Carried arms in rebel 

William Miller, Inshnakep. Carried arms in rebel army. 
James M'Willie, servant, Cruchlay. Deserted from King's 

army, and carried arms with rebels. 
David M'Willie, Achrachan. Carried arms, was active in 

plundering the country, has submitted. 
John M'Pherson, Achrachan. Carried arms, was active in 

plundering the country, has submitted. 
William M'Grigor, Findran. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Peter M'Donald, Tomintoul. Forced by the rebels to carry 

John M'Allan, Tomintoul. Forced by the rebels to carry 

John M'Donald, Redorach. Forced by the rebels to carry 

arms, has submitted himself. 


Crrigor M'Grigor, Loipuorn. Forced by the rebels to carry 

arms, has submitted himself. 
Malcom M'Glrigor, Achnahayl. Forced by the rebels to carry 

arms, has submitted himself. 
John M'Grigor, West Gaulurg. Forced by the rebels to carry 

arms, has submitted himself. 
John M'Gorman, West Gaulurg. Carried arms in rebel 

army, has submitted. 
Malcom M'Grigor, Easter Gaulurg. Forced by the rebels to 

carry arms, has submitted. 
Donald M'Donald, Ballintown. Forced out by the rebels to 

carry arms in their service. 
Alexander M'Donald, Dalnabo. Carried arms in rebel ser- 
vice, has submitted. 
John M'Pherson, Foderliter. Carried arms in rebel service, 

but forced, and has submitted. 
Alexander M'Grar, Foderliter. Carried arms in rebel service, 

but forced, and has submitted. 
George Miln, Cross of Inverlochy. Carried arms in rebel 

service, being compelled, has submitted. 
John M'Kintosh, Easter Inveroury. Carried arms in rebel 

John M'Donald, Achrachan. Carried arms in rebel army, 

has submitted. 
John M'Kenzie, merchant, Balmore. Carried arms in rebel 

army, has submitted. 
Alexander M'Lea, Upper Dounan. Carried arms as a 

sergeant in rebel army. 
John M'Keuzie, Aldinglone. Carried arms as a private man 

in said army. 
William M'Robbie, Morings. Carried arms in the rebel army. 
William M'Adam, son to John M'Adam, Shanoul. Forced out 

by the rebels in their service, but deserted September 

Robert M'Lea, son to John M'Lea, Const. Carried arms with 

the rebels as a private man. 


James M'Lea, servant, Caslick. Carried arms with the rebels 

as a private man. 
William M'Eobbie, Tornachork. Carried arms in the rebel 

army, has submitted himself, keeping cattle. 
John M'Lea, Clagan. Forced out to carry arms by the rebels, 

but deserted. 
Duncan M'Willie, East Cowie. Forced out, has submitted, 
liobert M'Donald, merchant, Tonavan. Carried arms with 

the rebels, was at rifling Cullen House, submitted. 
William M'Donald, tailor, Tonavan. Carried arms with the 

rebels, has submitted himself. 
Alexander M'Donald, servant, Minmore. Carried arms with 

the rebels. 
Alexander M'Donald, servant, Fort- Augustus. Carried arms 

as a volunteer in rebel army. 
Alexander M'Donald, vintner, I^ggan. Was an officer in 

said army, levied the cess. 
Angus M'Bean, farmer, Faillie. An officer in said army, 

was at battle of Falkirk. 
Gillies M'Bean, farmer, Banaughton. An officer in rebel 

army, forced out by ]\Tajor M'Bean, was at Falkirk 

Duncan M'Kintosh, farmer, Drummond. An officer m said 

army, forced out by Lady M'Kintosh, was at l)attle of 

Donald ]\I'Bean, farmer, Auldaury. Was store-keeper at 

Aldaury for the rebels, and very active in serving them. 
Gillies M'Bean, servant, Auldaury. Carried arms in rebel 

army, and was very active. 
John M'Bean, servant, Auldaury. Also carried arms in rebel 

Ewan M'Pherson of Clunie, Clunie. Was a captain in Lord 

Loudoun's regiment, became a colonel in rebel army, 

forced out others by burning. 
Ewan M'Pherson, jun., farmer, Delwhiny. Was a lieutenant- 
colonel for the rebels, and was very active. 


Lewis M'Pherson, jun., farmer, Dalrady. Acted as a major 

in rebel army, and very active in his station. 
Malcolm M'Pherson, sen., of Phoynes, Phoyness. Was a 

captain in said army. 
John M'Pherson, Eldrige, Eldrige. Was a lieutenant in said 

John M'Pherson of Strathmassie, Strathmassie. Was a 

captain in said army. 
John M'Pherson, farmer, Gowamore. Was a captain in said 

Donald M'Pherson, farmer, Brachachy. Was a captain in 

rebel army, and very active in his station. 
Andrew M'Pherson, jmi., of Banachar, Banachar. Was a 

captain in rebel army, and very active in his station. 
John M'Pherson, farmer, Pitachran. Was an officer in rebel 

Hugh M'Pherson, farmer, Coraldy. Was an officer in said 

Ewen M'Pherson, farmer. Lagan of Need. Was an officer in 

the rebel army. 
Lachlan M'Pherson, jun., of Strathmassie, Strathmassie. An 

officer in the rebel army. 
Kenneth M'Pherson, merchant, Piuthven. An officer in said 

army in Edinburgh Castle. 
Donald M'Pherson, merchant, Ruthven. Carried arms as a 

volunteer in rebel army. 
Lachlan M'Pherson, farmer, Pitraain. Carried arms, and was 

active in his station. 
Angus M'Pherson, farmer, Flichaty. Carried arms in said 

army, and was very active, said to be. 
Malcolm Dow M'Pherson, farmer, Ballachrowe. Carried arms 

in said army. 
William M'Pherson, farmer, Kingussie. Carried arms, and 

was very active in his station. 
Alexander M'Pherson, farmer, Kingussie. Carried arms in 

rebel army, and was active. 


Alexander M'Queen, smith, Brae Euthven. Was a quarter- 
master in rebel army. 
Donald Munro, farmer, Euthven. Carried arms in the rebel 

William M'Pherson, wigmaker, Euthven. Was aiding and 

assisting to the rebels. 
John M'Pherson, farmer, Cluny. Carried arms in the rebel 

service, and active in his station. 
Alexander M'Pherson, farmer, Blarachybeg. Carried arms 

with the rebels. 
William M'Pherson, farmer, Catobig. Carried arms in rebel 

Patrick M'Alpin, farmer, Gaulurg. Was an ensign in said 

Kenneth M'Kenzie, servant, Dell. Carried arms in rebel 

John M'Ewen, Balacherach. Carried arms in rebel army, was 

forced out, has submitted to royal mercy. 
George Martine, Tomachlagan. Forced out to carry arms by 

the rebels, has submitted himself. 
John M'Kenzie, Euthven. Carried arms with the rebels, has 

submitted himself. 
Angus M'Donald, servant, Candelmore. Carried arms in 

rebel service. 
Alexander M'Grigor, Inverarchan. Carried arms, and was 

very active in plundering the country. 
Alexander Muir, East Pitclash. Was sergeant in the rebel 

James M'Donald, Inveraven. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Peter More, Knockindo. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Angus M'Donald, servant, Pitclash. Carried arms in rebel 

Alexander M'Allister, Tamivelan. Forced out into rebel 

Thomas M'Pherson, servant, Aiknarrow. Carried arms in 

rebel service. 


liobert M'Kay, Nether Clashoer. Was sergeant in rebel army, 

and active in robbing the country. 
Alexander M'Grigor, Balachnockan. Carried arms in rebel 

service, and was active in plmidering. 
George M'Lauchlan, Calier. Forced out by the rebels and 

carried arms, has submitted himself. 
John M'Kay, merchant, Balno. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Angus M'Donald, servant, Tamahanan. Carried arms in rebel 

Paul M'Pherson, St Skala. Compelled by the rebels to carry 

arms, has submitted. 
John Michie, West Achwach. Carried arms with the rebels, 

has submitted. 
Allan M'Lea, Badiglashan. A private man in rebel army, 

deserted, and never joined again. 
John More, Askimore. Carried arms in the rebel army, has 

submitted himself. 
John More, jun., Askimore. Was in arms with the rebels, 

and carried a great deal of plunder. 
John M'Lauchlan, Badwochil. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Coll M'Donald, Badwochil. Carried arms in rebel army. 
James M'Donald, Badwochil. Carried arms in rebel army. 
James M'Lea, Sowie. Carried arms in rebel army, 
George M'Donald, Nether Achdregnie. Was compelled by 

rebels to carry arms with them. 
John Minfat, Weaver, Achdregnie. Carried arms in rebel 

army, was at plundering Cullen House. 
James M'Donald, Middle Achdregnie. Carried arms in rebel 

William M' Angus, Letoch. Carried arms in rebel army. 
Allan M'Donald, Dalmloyn. Carried arms in rebel army, but 

said to be forced. 
Alexander M'Pherson, Miltown of Achrachan. Carried arms 

in rebel army, but said to be forced. 
William M'Hardy, Glen above Achrachan. Carried arms in 

rebel army. 


Donald M'Kay, servant, Fochabers. Private man, went with 

rebels to England. 
Peter Montgomery, sadler, Fochabers. Private man. 
Peter M'Lauchlan, weaver, Fochabers. Private man. 
Alexander Nicolson, Inveraven. Carried arms in rebel army. 
William Paxton, Tomintoul. Carried arms in rebel army, 

said to be forced. 
John Perrie, Elgin. Carried arms as a volunteer in said 

Hugh Eoss, farmer, Elgin. Carried arms as a volunteer in 

rebel army. 
Kobert Koss, Kirkbeddah, Kirkhill. Volunteer in rebel army, 

said to be imposed upon when drunk. 
Charles Kose, formerly a soldier, Fochabers. A rebel sergeant, 

and active in recruiting men. 
Peter Kobertson, piper, Fochabers. Carried arms, and assisted 

in collecting money for the rebels. 
Alexander Eeid, Urquhart. Carried arms as volunteer in said 

army, now in Banffshire. 
John Eoss (?), farmer, Forres. Carried arms, was keeper of a 

magazine for the rebels, and very active. 
John Ehind, brewer, Findhorn. Informed of proper plans, 

and assisted in plundering at Findhorn. 
Charles Eobertson, Balmlagan. Carried arms in rebel army, 

and submitted himself. 
John Eoy Stewart, Tombreck. Forced by rebels to carry 

arms, has submitted. 
William Eoss, Euthven. Forced by rebels to carry arms, has 

Donald Eeoch, jun., Culmores, Carried arms with the rebels. 
James Eeoch, servant, Candelmore. Carried arms in rebel 

Donald Eeoch, Elect. Carried arms in rebel army, being 

Alexander Eeoch, Galurg. Carried arms in rebel army, being 



Grigor Eoy M'Grigor, Daluabo. Deserted from King's army, 

was a sergeant with rebels and a plunderer. 
John Reoch, Wester Foderliter. Carried arms, being forced, 

has submitted. 
John Eattray, Bains. Was compelled by rebels to carry 

John Eoy Grant, Badiglashan. Carried arms in rebel 

John Eoy Grant, Domichmore. Forced to carry arms by 

rebels, has submitted himself. 
Eobert Eoss, Tamorlan. Carried arms in rebel army. 
John Eoss, servant, Skulla. Carried arms in said army, has 

submitted himself. 
John Smith, carter, Elgin. Carried arms in rebel army, and 

was very active. 
Alexander Sutherland, wright, Fochabers. Carried arms as a 

George Sutherland, servant, Fochabers. Carried arms. 
William Stephen, merchant, Elgin. Eemarkable for billeting 

the rebels on persons well affected to the Government. 
John Smith, merchant, Elgin. Acted as store-keeper for the 

William Smith, farmer, Ortowu. Carried arms as a volun- 
teer in rebel army. 
John Smith, skinner, Forres. Carried arms as a volunteer in 

lebel army. 
John Sime, smith, Inverness. Met the rebels two miles off, 

informed them of Lord Loudon's retreat, received a 

crown from Lord Kilmarnock for conducting them to 

John Shaw, servant, Moy. Was an officer in rebel army, and 

at battle of Falkirk. 
John Stewart, late baillie, Inverness. A volunteer in said 

rebel army, and very active, now at Newtown. 
John Stewart, gardener, Fort-Augustus. Carried arms, 

threatened to kill John Grant, officer of excise. 


Alexander Stewart, taxman of excise, Tamivelan. Was 

ensign in said rebel army. 
William Stewart, Bregach (?). Was a captain in said army, 

and active in raising men. 
Alexander Stewart alias Derg, Upper Achluckny. Carried 

arms in the rebel army, forced out, has submitted 
Donald Stewart, Euthven. Carried arms in the rebel army, 

was at rifling Cullen House. 
John Stewart, Glenconles. Carried arms in the rebel army, 

being compelled. 
Donald Stewart, Glenconles. Was a rebel hussar, at the 

spoiling Cullen House. 
Patrick Stewart, servant, Cruchlay. Carried arms in reljel 

Allan Stewart, Newtown. Carried arms in said army. 
John Stewart, Findran. Carried arms in said army. 
Donald Stewart, Findran. Carried arms in said army. 
Donald Stewart, Achnahayle. Carried arms in said army. 
John Stewart, Tirbain. Forced to carry arms in said army, 

thrice deserted. 
Itobert Smith, Inverury. Compelled by the rebels to carry 

John Stewart, East Inverury. Carried arms in the said 

rebel army. 
James Stewart, East Inverury. Forced to carry arms in said 

Kobert Stewart, Dounan. Carried arms with the rebels. 
John Stewart, Tamavilan. Carried arms in the rebel 

John Stewart, jun., Balnknockan. Carried arms as a private 

man in said army. 
William Stewart, Clashnaver. Carried arms in rebel army. 
William Stewart, West Achwaish. Carried arms in said 

army, and active in plundering the country. 
John Stewart, Achnasira. Carried arms, being forced out, 

has submitted. 


Andrew Smith, Achnasira. Carried arms, being forced out, 

has submitted himself. 
James Stewart, Achnasira. Carried arms in rebel army, 

forced out, has submitted. 
Robert Stewart, Badiwochel. Was compelled to carry arms 

by the rebels, has submitted. 
Peter Stewart alias Dow, Badiwochel. Carried arms in the 

rebel army. 
George Stewart, Badiwochel. Carried arms in the rebel army. 
Donald Stewart alias Dow, Glack. Carried arms in the rebel 

J. Stewart alias M'Yock, Upper Achdregnie. Carried arms 

in the rebel army. 
John Stewart alias Dow, Upper Achdregnie. Forced by the 

r.ebels into their service, but deserted. 
Lewis Stewart, Balacknockan. Carried arms as a sergeant in 

the rebel army. 
Eobert Stewart, servant to Glenbucket. Carried arms as a 

private man. 
Allan Stewart, Galurg, Carried arms in the rebel army. 
John Stewart, Delavoiar. Carried arms in said army, being 

Mr John Tyrie, popish priest, Clashnaver. Was very active 

in raising men to go into the rebellion. 
Duncan Turner, Culmore. Carried arms in rebel service, has 

submitted himself. 
William Tur!ier, Middle Dounan. Carried arms in said 

William Taylor, Cruchlay. Carried arms in said service, has 

James Torry, dyster, Elgin. Carried arms in the rebel army, 

Eobert Taylor, dyster, Elgin. Prompting others to go into 

rebellion, said to have fled. 
Peter Taylor, farmer, Burnside. A captain, and engaged 

many men in rebel service. 



Eobert Tulloch, Bugtowu, Bugtown. Carried arms as a lieu- 
tenant of Hussars. 

James Taylor alias Robertson, farmer, I*itmain. Carried arms 
in rebel army, and was very active. 

Thomas Wallson, servant, Elgin. Acted as a drummer in 
rebel army, voluntarily. 

William Urquhart, cooper, Brae Euthven. Carried arms in 
said army, was very active. 

Kenneth Urquhart, Upper Cults. Carried arms in said army. 

Alexander Williamson, Croft of Minmore. Carried arms in 
said army, has submitted himself. 

Robert Willson, wright, Fochabers. Carried arms as a 
private man, and deserted from rebels in England. 



James Lorimer, merchant burgess of Edinburgh, was 
a man imbued with the strongest of Hanoverian lean- 
ings. The fact may be due to the influence of his 
father, who for many years was one of the salt officers. 
When in the year 1715 the Scottish Jacobites, under 
the incompetent leadership of the Earl of Mar, en- 
deavoured to oust the " wee German lairdie " from the 
British throne, Lorimer, although but a boy, volun- 
teered in the King's service and fought at Sheriffmuir. 
He was one of the well-affected gentlemen who took 
up arms in defence of " Auld Reekie " against Prince 
Charlie and his Highlanders in 1745. He considered 
it his duty to expose life and fortune in defence of 
the place ; but, while he and the " fathers of the city " 
were discussing what was best to be done, Edinburgh 
fell into the hands of the Jacobites through the 
strategy of the gallant Lochiel. 

Of course it was to be expected that the entry of 
the wild mountaineers struck terror into the hearts of 
the brave citizens. The effect on the parsons was 
certainly extraordinary ; they " levanted," as our hero 
scornfully tells us, bag and baggage. White cockades, 


flowing tartans, pistols, and targets were more than 
they could stand ; these warlike accoutrements pro- 
duced no effect on our hero, who disdained to run 
away like many who had less reason. The height of 
Lorimer's ambition was to be able to render some 
service to King George, whom he had once seen from 
afar. How to assist the monarch was a point which 
puzzled him, but at length he solved the difficulty by 
making it his close business to find out J acobite secrets, 
and transmit the information thus acquired to the 
Marquis of Tweeddale. Unfortunately for his scheme, 
the Jacobites were on the alert, and the weekly budget 
of news fell into their hands ; his messenger being 
seized and always compelled to undergo a rigorous 
search at Holyrood Abbey. He then fell into an 
ingenious scheme to circumvent them, and from that 
day his messages had the good luck to escape, for 
which he was profoundly thankful, seeing that the 
Jacobites strung up a poor stabler in the Grassmarket 
for being the bearer of similar letters. 

The successes which attended Prince Charlie very 
naturally made King George exceedingly angry, and 
in his wrath he treated his ministry with so many 
German oaths of the choicest brand, that in disgust 
they threw up their portfolios. Here was Lorimer's 
opportunity ! He was indignant at the desertion of 
the King at a moment when the aid of every honest 
citizen was required, and he redoubled his energies, 


and sent budget upon budget of information from the 
capital of Scotland. Alas ! his letters were read by 
a young gentleman in London, who "inhumanly" 
amused his friends with the news from the north, 
and was so simple as not to deliver the letters in 
the proper quarter. Lorimer's zeal brought him into 
contact with four of Lochiel's men, who, coming to 
his shop one day, abruptly demanded whether he had 
seen Prince Charlie. The burgess was in no way 
alarmed, and stoutly replied that he did not have 
the honour, nor did he desire to see any royalties 
other than those of the reigning house. One of the 
Highlanders promptly drew his sword, and laying it 
on the counter, desired to " know whether the burgess 
had not been a volunteer. " A reply in the affirmative 
led to threats of his being carried before the Prince 
to declare that henceforth he would never bear arms 
against him. But these threats did not shake the 
loyalty of Lorimer, and in the wordy warfare which 
ensued he worsted his opponents, who took their leave, 
cursing him for an eternal Whig. A week later they 
returned and searched for arms without success, for 
the burgess had lent all his guns, pistols, and swords 
to friends residing quite forty or fifty miles from 
Edinburgh. A third time the premises were searched, 
on this occasion for saddles, but these had already 
been sent to the country, so the Highlanders took their 
leave, cursing the King, the Castle, and the Whigs. 


Lorimer next carried information to Generals Guest 
and Preston, and the difficulties he had to encounter 
were very great, as the Jacobites kept so strict a watch 
on the castle that none could approach it without 
being observed. He climbed the rocks, and from 
beneath the walls spoke with one of the Captains of 
the Guard, and ultimately he was drawn over the 
walls with ropes. In consequence of the information 
he supplied, Generals Guest and Preston determined 
to batter down the houses on the north side of the 
hill, notwithstanding the truce which existed at the 
time. The cannonade which ensued obliged the High- 
landers to raise the blockade of the castle, and the 
whole odium of the breach of faith rested upon 
General Preston. 

Lorimer's next difficulty was how to get out of the 
castle, and he could only effect his escape " under the 
smoke of the cannon when firing hottest with big 
twelve-pounders flying over his head." This he did 
when the garrison made a sally down to the weigh - 
house, and dislodged the Jacobites from the neigh- 
bouring houses. The ammunition of the soldiers 
failed, and at this moment Lorimer's servant girl be- 
haved with the greatest courage. She rushed up to 
the castle in the heat of the firing, and brought " down 
a lapful of cartridges, although her petticoats were 
riddled with bullets. She even assumed the leader- 
ship of a party of redcoats, and at their head attacked 


a body of rebels, one of whom was killed, and several 
wounded. As the firing from the castle did a great 
deal of damage to the town, Lorimer, meeting Lord 
George Murray and Lochiel in the street, upbraided 
them for causing so much annoyance to peaceable 
citizens. If this was proof of the regard held by 
their Prince for the ancient metropolis of Scotland, 
what were they to expect should he be successful ? 
The only result was that Lorimer got heartily damned 
for his pains, but had the gratification of seeing the 
two Jacobite leaders hurry "helter skelter" to escape 
a volley from the castle, which tore up the ground 
about them. 

The Camerons determined to take the castle by 
storm, and one of their captains with two men pro- 
ceeded one moonlight night to survey the rocks. 
They clambered up the sallyport and sat under the 
walls for a considerable time, and although they 
" snuffed and coughed " none of the sentries discovered 
them. The kilted warriors then sat down, and in 
this fashion slid to the bottom, without even the 
noise of gravel and stones attracting the attention of 
the soldiers on watch. Lorimer had observed their 
movements, and received information that an attack 
was to be made on the castle immediately the scaling 
ladders were ready. He at once sent this information 
to General Preston, who caused fires to be lit beneath 
the walls, which prevented the attack. To mark their 


appreciation of the services rendered by the informer, 
the Generals invited him to the castle to drink the 
King's health, and in return for their hospitality the 
burgess sent up a quantity of liquor for the use of 
their soldiers. The success of the Jacobites at the 
battle of Falkirk so greatly exasperated our hero that 
he "could neither hold his tongue nor his pen," and 
to cheer the discomfited soldiery he entertained them 
to dinner, and induced other citizens to do likewise. 
In this way the drooping spirits of the soldiers were 
revived, and they appeared " like other creatures full 
of spirit and courage," and under the leadership of 
the Duke of Cumberland they vanquished the foe at 

Lorimer imagined that his services entitled him to 
some consideration, and he wrote the following letter 
to the Marquis of Tweeddale. We cannot tell what 
became of him, nor do we know of the result of his 

"Edinburgh, 2lst December 1747. 

"My Lord Marquis:—! have sent the enclosed letter to 
your Lordship, which, if you will be so good as to give to his 
Grace the Duke of Newcastle, it's possible his Grace may do 
something for me. I daresay there is many a man provided 
for in the Government that perhaps has done less for it. As 
the most of my letters then went to your Lordship, there is 
nobody I can so properly apply to, and has such confidence 
in your Lordship's justice and goodness as to comply with my 
request. The place that would suit best for me is the store- 
mastership in the castle, and with humble submission I make 


not the least doubt but his Grace and your Lordship will 
allow that T may as well deserve it as the man who has it ; 
he being noted for a Jacobite, and was openly in the rebellion 
of 1715, and I then, but young, was with the King's army all 
the time a volunteer, and your Lordship knows what I did in 
this late rebellion. I acknowledge I never did ask or apply 
for the least favour before, and this man who has it is looked 
on for the same principles as formerly. At least the whole 
of his company is known to everybody here to be with the 
most noted Jacobites in the place. No oath binds them, nor 
favour does not reclaim them or reform them longer than one 
opportunity offers. I daresay as much might be trusted to 
my care as to one of that principles. I can assure your 
Lordship it was, and still is galing to the honest people here 
that a man of that stamp should still enjoy a post of such 
importance. If I may be so lucky and have the honour to 
serve the King, I would make it my only business to wait 
close on it, and see to have the smallest thing in order and 
readiness when called for. Not as when the rebels was 
lying here ; the gunners could not obtain a few saddletone 
nor a sheep's skin for the use of the cannon, and even at that 
time a good deal of the stores, such as the powder, was 
damaged with water when going to be used, and at another 
time some of the keys of the storehouses when called for was 
lost, and was not to be found. 

" None of these things looked well when we were all sur- 
roimded by ♦^^he enemy, and they had the power over us, the 
garrison onely excepted ; and that they industriously waited 
every opportunity to make their attempts aganes the castle, 
and what they were not able to do by force, they were not 
awanting to try by fraud and treachery by or with the dis- 
affected persons that was in the garrison at that time, but 
our thanks to God, and next to the vigilence and strict eye 
General Preston kept over them. — My Lord Marquis, your 
Lordship's most obedient humble servant, 

"James Loiumek." 



From a contemporary collection of old papers, facts 
have been culled which throw an interestino; lio-ht on 
the consequences attending Prince Charlie's occupa- 
tion of Edinburgh. As the circumstances are not 
generally known, nor are they referred to in the 
historical accounts we have of Edinburgh, we place 
on record the facts noted by a burgess of the period. 
When Prince Charlie and his Highlanders evaded 
Sir John Cope, and came within a short distance of 
Edinburgh, the magistrates of the city were in a 
state of perplexity as to the proper course to adopt. 
The commandant of Stirling Castle had ordered 
the authorities of that town to offer no opposition 
to the entry of the Highlanders, and the feeling in 
Edinburgh was that the same course ought to be 
adopted. Provost Archibald Stewart, who was 
afterwards arraigned for his part in the surrender 
of Edinburgh, at several meetings of the citizens 
strongly expressed himself in favour of defending 
the town at all hazards, and he contributed largely 
to. the support of the volunteer regiment. The 


Provost also saw to the fortification of the town, 
and frequently came into collision with the work- 
men engaged thereon, because of the delays which 
arose ; but he declined to receive advice from the 
clergy, whom he requested to attend to their own 

When a letter was brought into the Council 
Chamber from Prince Charlie, the Provost refused to 
hear it read, and, acting in concert with the other 
magistrates, he called a meeting to decide whether 
they were to defend the town or not ; but in the 
meantime, word having been brought of the flight of 
the dragoons from the Colt-bridge, their deliberations 
were concluded without any decision having been 
arrived at. Nor did a greater measure of success 
attend the deputation which waited upon the Prince 
at Bellsmiln, in reference to the surrender of the city, 
for on Tuesday, the 17th of September, Cameron of 
Lochiel and his Highlanders entered at the Netherbow 
Port, and the town was in the possession of the Prince 
without a blow having been struck in its defence. 

One of the results, of the occupation of Edin- 
burgh by the Jacobites, was that the ensuing 
election of magistrates was suspended, and the 
city was without any duly constituted authority for 
several months. They were in this condition when, 
on 1st May 1746, at a meeting in the New Church 
aisle, it was proposed to send an address to the king. 


On this occasion ex-Provosts Coutts and Macaulay 
rendered themselves obnoxious on account of the 
way they pressed their own views upon the meet- 
ing, which finally appointed a committee of twelve 
to draw up the address. This address, which was 
published in the London Gazette of 17th May 1746, 
is worth reprinting : — 

"We, the citizens, who have at any time shared in the 
government of the city of Edinburgh, now destitute of magi- 
strates and town council, having unfortunately fallen under 
the power of the rebels before the time of our last annual 
elections, humbly presume, etc. 

" We cannot, however, at this time avoid expressing our 
deepest sense and regret that from some circumstances our 
zeal and activity in defending the ancient metropolis of this 
part of the United Kingdom may seem to have come short of 
the insolent boldness with which the rebels presumed to rise 
in arms against your Majesty; but it is with the highest 
satisfaction we can assure your Majesty that by far the 
greatest part of the respectable burgesses showed a cheerful 
readiness to hazard their lives and bestow their fortunes in 
behalf of your Majesty's government and for preserving the 
city from falling into the hands of the rebels, though our 
endeavours came to be disappointed by a variety of circum- 
stances which we could not foresee, nor was it in our power to 

"We can likewise with great justice affirm that though 
the rebels were long in possession of this city, only a very few 
of the inhabitants, and these, too, of the lowest rank and 
most desperate fortunes, ever joined in taking arms with 

At the same time the Merchant Company sent off 
an Address signed by Archibald Angus, in which they 


declared that they had shown their sincerity, though 
their honest intentions were not so successful, yet 
that was no fault of theirs, " for vain were all the 
arts of secret treachery and open violence to make us 
change the best of kings for an abjured pretender." 

Immediately thereafter a general meeting of the 
burgesses of Edinburgh took place, and they peti- 
tioned the king to " interpose his authority so that 
they may be restored to their ancient liberties and 
elect magistrates and council." It was therefore 
enacted by the Privy Council that for restoring peace 
and good government to the city " the fourteen com- 
panies, or incorporation of crafts, should assemble 
themselves on the 14th November and each elect a 
fit person to be deacon of their craft ; and out of the 
fourteen persons so elected six were to be chosen to 
make part of the ordinary council of twenty-five, and 
that the other eight shall be extraordinary deacons in 
council for the ensuing year." 

Perhaps at no election in Edinburgh were so many 
influences at work as in the one under consideration. 
As the polling day approached, the people became 
more and more excited. A section of the electors felt 
that to regain the royal favour they must submit and 
vote for the Court nominees, while others maintained 
that such servility was unworthy of the citizens of 
the ancient metropolis. To continue the narrative 
in the words of our burgess chronicler : — 


" On Friday, the 21st November, I attended a meeting in 
the evening in Clerk's Great Eoom, where were present the 
Earl of Albemarle, General Husk, Lords Justice Clerk and 
Kilkerran, Baron Clerk, Lord Somerville, Principal Wishart, 
Messrs John Goldie, John Hepburn, Wilham Gustard, George 
Wishart, Patrick Cuming, and about thirty more. The Lord 
Justice Clerk informed the meeting 'that he had several 
letters from Court recommending George Drummond to be a 
proper person to be elected provost of Edinburgh. He added 
it would take up too much of their time to lay these letters 
before the meeting, but he appealed to Lord Albemarle.' His 
lordship said ' he knew it to be so, and that he had several 
letters to the same purpose.' The Lord Justice Clerk said 
' that several reflections as to Mr Drummond's conduct when 
formerly one of the magistrates had been thrown out against 
him, and he desired the company severally to give their 
opinions and speak to the point.' Baron Clerk said ' that by 
act of parliament the conduct of the City Council in proposing 
and executing the public works, which occasioned the debt on 
the city, must all have the sanction of a committee appointed 
by the said act, and as this committee approved the whole 
conduct and executing of the work they must bear their 

" Mr Webster said that ' a considerable part of said debt 
was occasioned by the purchase of the lands of Wolmot and 
Lochbank, the profit whereof was now an aid to the town's 
revenue,' and all the others who spoke recommended Mr 
Drummond to be provost, except Mr Inglis, who said they 
ought to choose one who was independent. Lord Kilkerran 
insisted warmly upon the choice falling upon Mr Drummond, 
as he had a royal recommendation which they could not go 
against. Mr Inglis declared he was as loyal as any man, but 
at the same time did not wish to have a man as provost who 
was not independent, and therefore he named Mr Whiteford, 
who shook his head and said he was not in the question. 
Mr Drummond then said he was sensible of being as liable to 


error as any man, but be would affirm he never designed, nor 
would design, any hurt or prejudice to the town, and the 
reflection thrown against him would put him on his guard 
for the future." 

The election, which occupied four days, was fruitful 
in charges of the use of undue influences by the Lord 
Justice Clerk, and under all the circumstances it is 
not surprising that the Court party prevailed. On 
5 th December, Lord Provost Drummond set out for 
London to lay the return before his Majesty. The 
king approved of the magistrates elected, and on the 
Provost's arrival in Edinburgh on 2nd January 1747, 
the following address was drawn up and presented to 
the king by the Duke of Argyll : — 

" Most Gracious Sovereign — We, your Majesties most duti- 
ful and loyal subjects, the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and 
Council of the city of Edinburgh, beg leave, in all humihty, to 
return our thanks to your Majesty for your having been 
graciously pleased to restore to this city the exercise of their 
ancient rights and privileges, which the late infamous rebellion 
had interrupted and destroyed. 

" In our election, now confirmed by your Majesty's royal 
prerogative, which has never been used but for the good of 
your subjects, there appeared no contest but as to who was 
the best affected to your Majesty's person and government ; 
and we shall think it our duty, in gratitude to our fellow- 
citizens, who chose us, to behave ourselves in all our proceed- 
ings with such zeal in support of your Majesty's authority, 
and such a disinterested, unfeigned, and unalloyed attachment 
to the constitution, both in church and state, as to deserve 
their future good opinion, and to recommend this city to your 
Majesty's favour and protection. 


" As the Almighty Providence seems to have reserved to 
his Eoyal Highness the Duke of Cumberland alone, the restor- 
ing the tranquillity of the country, we hope the same activity, 
valour, and abilities which have been so successful against 
rebellious subjects at home will also lead him to victory over 
your Majesty's enemies abroad — the disturbers of the peace 
and liberties of Europe. 

" May it please your Majesty, your Majesty's most obedient, 
most dutiful and loyal subjects and servants, the Lord 
Provost, Magistrates, and Council of the city of Edinburgh, in 
council assembled. 

"(Signed) George Drummond, Provost. 

"Edinburgh, 3rd January 1747." 



The facile pen of Sir Walter Scott has given the name 
of Kob Roy an imperishable place in Scottish literature. 
The questionable proceedings of the great outlaw have 
been invested with the glamour of romance, and excite 
world-wide interest. Rob Roy's conduct at a critical 
moment in the '15 gave rise to much reproach, and 
cast a slur upon the fair fame of the race of Macgregor. 
There can be no question that to the evil influence of 
the father must be attributed the sad career and fate 
of his sons. The publication of the following docu- 
ments connected with the life of one of them — James 
Roy Macgregor — has been rendered necessary because 
of an attempt, by a noted Scots writer, to fasten the 
stigma of infamy upon the. ancient and honourable 
family of Macdonell of Glengarry. 

The chief of Glengarry whose men had acted so 
nobly throughout the '45, and suffered so much in the 
cause of the Stuarts, has been branded as a traitor and 
a spy. It will be seen that the charge is baseless, the 
real culprit being Rob Roy's son, James Roy Macgregor 
alias James Mohr Drummond as he was called. 



When, through the lack of a proper leader, the 
rising of 1715 terminated so disastrously for the 
Jacobites, they did not relinquish the fond hope of 
being able to recover the British crown for its lawful 
heir. The generation which was rapidly attaining 
manhood was not perhaps as zealous in the Stuart 
cause as the preceding one. But the Chevalier St 
George, a peaceable man, had a great aversion to the 
bloodshed which another invasion would entail upon 
his dear children — as he affectionately called his 
subjects. His eldest son, however, was an individual 
of different calibre ; in his veins the fiery blood of 
Sobieski mingled with that of Stuart, and he deter- 
mined upon another struggle to recover his ancestral 
throne. Having been secretly appointed regent by 
his father, he endeavoured to persuade the French 
authorities to assist him in his enterprise. He at 
length abandoned the hopeless task of trying to secure 
their co-operation, and narrowly escaping from the 
English emissaries, who closely watched his movements, 
he set out upon the gallant attempt which has been 
the theme of song and story. 

Alas ! there were traitors among his adherents. 
Kob Eoy betrayed the cause in 1715, and now his son 
was to surpass him in villainy. Since the autumn of 
1744, James Roy Macgregor had been in constant 
communication with the Government, revealing to 
General Guest full particulars of the Jacobite plans. 


Towards the close of June the authorities in Edinburgh, 
acting on the advice tendered by Macgregor as early 
as April, issued warrants for the arrest of several 
Highland chiefs, as well as those French officers who 
roamed about the country persuading Scottish youths 
to enlist in the French service. Captain Campbell of 
Inverawe, who was entrusted with the execution of 
the warrants, represented the difficulties which would 
attend any attempt to secure the chiefs. They could 
not be taken in an open way, and other methods re- 
quired time and exceeding caution. Yet he and his sub- 
ordinates were determined to comply with the wishes 
of the authorities, and believed the only individual 
they could not secure was the Captain of Clanronald. 

James Roy Macgregor went north to Glengarry in 
May, and left the officials at Edinburgh in ignorance 
as to his whereabouts. The Lord Advocate — Robert 
Craigie — was in distress, and thought that the informer 
had given them the slip. Perhaps his treatment was 
not such as he anticipated, for his previous communi- 
cation was to the effect that the person from whom 
he gleaned his information was sick and in a dying 
condition, and he expected no further intelligence — 
an excuse, as the Lord Advocate remarks, for changing 
his mind. On the 9th of July 1745 the Lord Advocate 
wrote thus to the Marquis of Tweeddale. 

" Edinburgh, 9th July 1745. 
" My Lord, — I have the honour of your Lordship's of the 


2nd of July with the information transmitted by the Solicitor 
to you in Aprile last given by James Drummond. I have 
since talkt with Solicitor and with Mr Guest, in presence of 
Sir John Cope, upon the subject of those informations, and 
I find ever since the informations were sent to London the 
whole correspondence between them and Drummond hath 
been carried on by letters between Mr Guest and Lieutenant 
Campbell, and upon perusal of these letters it appears to me 
that Drummond hath either been dissatisfied with the reward 
promised him or the security for it, or he hath changed his 
mind very soon after he made the proposal, for the pretences 
he made from time to time appear to me to have been but 
pretences. However, as I know the man, I will use all my 
endeavours to bring him to meet with me privately, and to 
induce him to speak out all that he knows. But as he is 
now gone to the North Highlands it will be some time before 
I can expect such a meeting." 

Macgregor returned from the north towards the 
close of July, and straightway sought out the Lord 
Advocate, to whom he made a declaration on the 
2nd of August. In consequence of this meeting the 
Lord Advocate wrote to the Marquis of Tweeddale, 
and his letter clearly establishes the identity of the 
informer : — 

" My Lord, — This morning James Drummond, eldest son 
to the late Eob Eoy M'Grigor, called upon me occasionally, 
and after some conversation with him I found he was the 
person who had been dealing with Mr Guest and the Solicitor 
this spring; and as he thought they did not use him well 
he gave up all treaty in the manner I formerly mentioned 
to your Lordship, and upon my assuring him of all suitable 
encouragement and protection, he made the declaration of 
which I send you a copy enclosed. As the Clan of which he 


is reckoned the chief is dispersed threw the Duke of Perth's 
estate, and he himself was until Whitsunday last a tenant of 
the Duke's, and is now a tenant of my Lord Montrose's, in 
that neighbourhood, it was for that reason that he pretended 
it was from a third person that he expected his intelligence 
in his treaty with Mr Guest ; because he apprehended that a 
discovery of his being the informer would not only expose 
his goods but also his person to danger, and he insisted with 
me that I should mention him to nobody here, until he was 
assured of the Government's protection, and he mentioned his 
having a commission in the new Highland regiment. That 
if he had such a commission he would think himself justified 
to the world in going all lengths in the service of the Govern- 
ment, whereas at present he would be looked upon as a spy 
and informer. 

" You may be sure I did not promise to obtain for him 
what is not in my power. But I promised him secrecy in 
case he was not provided, and I am resolved to give him some 
money whether it's allowed me or not; and I hope your 
Lordship will forgive me to offer my humble opinion that as 
I know this man to be a brave, sensible fellow, and to be a 
man of some consequence in the Highlands, and I think one 
that is disobliged at the Duke of Perth ; that it be for His 
Majesty's service that he be provided in a lieutenancy or 
ensigncy in the Highland regiment. I believe there is a 
vacancy, or one may be easily made. At the same time I 
believe, if he were assured of the thing, he might be of more 
service without its being known that he is in the service of 
the Government, than if he were actually in commission, as 
he is at present not suspected by the Jacobites, and has 
thereby access to their secrets. 

" He mentioned to me that he believed that Stewart of 
Glenbucky, though a very active man and much trusted by 
the Jacobites, yet was of that temper and in those circum- 
stances that a sum of money would tempt him to discover 


" The letter he mentions from Lord Lovat, and which he 
says he saw, does not greatly surprise me, tho' I own it's new, 
and I would give something to be possessed of the letter, and 
I will use my utmost endeavours to come at it ; for I suppose 
the Lady, who has a great spirit, and I understand values 
herself upon her correspondence with this noble Lord, and 
the power she has over her husband, will not destroy the 
correspondence ; and as she lives within a few miles of the 
barracks I think the letter may be found. The only difficulty 
that occurs to me is that I think it would look strange to em- 
ploy a military officer to search for papers, and it will be very 
difficult to find a civil officer in that place who can be trusted. 

" As I promised absolute secrecy until I could give Mr 
Drummond some assurance of encouragement, and as his 
information contains several things new, I thought it proper 
to send this by express that I might receive your directions, 
and also that I may be at liberty to communicate to Sir John 
Cope my informer, and that I may obtain from him the 
proper assistance to Mr Drummond. — I have the honour to 
be, with the greatest respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most 
faithful, most obedient humble servant. " Eob. Ckaigie." 
"Edinburgh, 2nd August 1745. 

The declaration of Macgregor, which is the next 
document we give, contains much that is interesting. 
Recruiting for the French service had over and again 
attracted the serious attention of the Government, and 
several warrants had been issued for the arrest of those 
who were most active. The reference to Lord Lovat 
in the declaration will surprise no one acquainted with 
the true history of the chief of the Frasers. His was 
an extraordinary career — the most singular in the 
history of the Jacobite risings. In 1715 he gambled 


for the family titles and estates. While professedly- 
assisting the Government, he was in close correspon- 
dence with the Chevalier, and what is the more re- 
markable, George I. was well aware of the fact. Yet 
he escaped, and continued to intrigue. To him was 
due in a great measure the Spanish Invasion, with 
which ended the abortive rising of 1719 at Glenshiel ; 
but he was wily, and drove a hard bargain with his 
unfortunate neighbour, the Earl of Seaforth. As the 
latter had become possessed of papers which, had they 
been then disclosed, would have put an end to Lovat's 
career, the Fraser chief was exceedingly anxious for 
their return, as in case of accident they might be 
troublesome to him, and as a reward Seaforth was to 
be informed of the " secret details of an affair which 
is abominable before God and man." What the great 
affair was we have nothing to show, but it is a curious 
fact that Lovat was intimately acquainted with all the 
scandals of the countryside. The letter which he 
wrote to Lady Glengarry, and which the Advocate 
was so anxious to possess, was one of a series of 
treasonable papers subscribed by him. Macgregor's 
declaration runs thus : — 

"Edinburgh, 2d August 1745 — In presence of Robert 
Craigie, Esquire, His Majesty's Advocate of Scotland. 

" James Drummond in Covrocklat, in the parish of 
Buchanan : Declares that he knows and is well informed that 
in June or July 1744 the Duke of Perth went to the Isle of 


Man, and that there and then or upon some of the islands 
betwixt Scotland and the said island, the Duke had a meeting 
with several gentlemen disaffected to His Majesty's Govern- 
ment, and, as the declarant was informed, some persons 
intrusted by the Pretender's eldest son. That the subject of 
their conferences were concerning the manner of the French 
makeing a descent upon this country, and who of this country 
were to be trusted to join the French. That John Murray of 
Broughton, son to Sir David Murray of Stanhope, was at that 
meeting, and was frequently with the Duke of Perth before 
and after that meeting, and particularly he attended the Duke 
of Perth last year when he was a hideing, and that in spring 
or summer 1744 after the warrant was issued for apprehend- 
ing the Duke he went North, and was for some considerable 
time at the house of General Gordon of Auchintoul, or of 
some other gentleman's seat the name of which he cannot at 
present recollect. That when Lord John Drummond was in 
Scotland in spring 1744, and skulking, being apprehensive of 
a warrand against him, he lived for the most part at Alex- 
ander Stewart of Glenbucky's house in Breanchyll of Strath- 
gartna, a part of the estate of Perth, and the tenants in that 
neighbourhood were directed by Glenbucky to be in readiness 
to rise in arms to protect Lord John, in case any party of the 
King's troops should make an attempt to apprehend him ; that 
about that time Glenbucky wrote to John Stewart, then in 
Glentiff, part of Inverawe's estate, but who has since purchased 
Benmore from the Duke of Perth, and which he holds of the 
Duke, and which lies and Breadalbane, desiring him to come 
to his house to wait of Lord John Drummond ; that at that 
time four young lads went from Glentiff and Glenco, and it 
was generally believed in the country that they were sent by 
the said John Stewart as recruits to Lord John Drummond, 
and that John Drummond, eldest son to James Drummond 
of Westerffeddal or Culquhailly, sometime chamberlain to the 
Duke of Perth, went along with them to France, and the said 
John Drummond is still abroad ; that they took ship at or 


near Dundee ; that Peter Drummond, now a sergeant in Sir 
Patrick Murray's Company, went along with five or six 
recruits in order to have embarked at the same time and place, 
but that the ship had sailed some time before, whereupon the 
said Peter and his recruits returned to the country, and the 
declarant believes he will be able to condescend upon their 
names. Declares that Glenbucky in the spring 1744 
endeavoured to persuade Stewart of Ballachallan to send a 
brother of his to France with Lord John Drummond, and 
sometime after Glenbucky and Ballachallan told this to the 
declarant. But Ballachallan declined to comply, because of 
the difficulty he foresaw there would be of complying with 
the condition of his brother's obtaining the commission, — viz., 
the raising recruits. That this summer Glenbucky sent his 
own gecond son and his brother — both Duncan Stewarts, — the 
last living at Torrie, near Callendar, and the first a wine 
cooper at Leith, beyond seas, and who were recommended to 
be officers in Lord John Drummond's regiment. At least 
they both went abroad, as said is. That in May and June 
last the declarant was in Glengarry purchasing cattle for his 
farm. That while there he was frequently in company with 
John M'Donell of Glengarry, from whom he purchased some 
of his cows. That Glengarry appeared to have no doubt but 
that there would be an invasion from France this summer 
in favour of the Pretender or his son, and the declarant was 
assured upon a commission on the landing, the same that his 
father had in the 1715 — to wit, major of a regiment. That 
upon that occasion the Lady Glengarry, who is a daughter of 
Gordon of Glenbucket, and is a lady of great spirit, read in 
the declarant's hearing a letter from the Lord Lovat to the 
Lady Glengarry, dated the 6th or 7th of June 1745, in a very 
polite strain. The expressions he cannot repeat, but the 
purport of tlie letter — as the declarant understood them, and 
they were read to him for that purpose — was to assure the 
lady of his friendship to the family of Glengarry, and of his 
firm adherence to the interest of the Pretender's family, not- 


withstanding of his past conduct, but desiring that they might 
proceed with the greatest caution at this critical time ; and 
declares that while he was at Glengarry Duncan M'Coul, who 
lives at Glentarkin, on the side of Lochearn, and who is 
entrusted by the Duke of Perth with messages up and down 
through the country, and particularly is sent frequently to 
Glengarry, came to Glengarry the 11th of June last, which 
he remembers from the circumstances of their having kept 
the birthday the night before, with letters from the Duke of 
Perth or young Glengarry, which M'Coul had received from 
James Stewart, tlie Duke's principal servant, dated the 5th 
of June; but he did not further learn the contents of the 
letters. That M'Coul told him that he believed and was sure 
that young Glengarry was at that time at Castle Drummond, 
but was in a private secret way. That M'Coul got from 
Glengarry a receipt of his letters, but as M'Coul told the 
declarant, neither letters nor verbal messages. He believes 
Stewart of Glenbucky and James Stewart, my Lord's servant, 
are the persons chiefly entrusted by my Lord in carrying on 
his political concerns, and he is very sure they know more of 
these matters than anybody else about the Duke. 

(Signed) "James Drummond." 

Immediately after this interview, James Roy again 
addressed the Lord Advocate, assuring him that he 
had positive information that an invasion was intended, 
and that in a few weeks, at anyrate, there would be a 
landing effected in England and Scotland. A meeting 
of Jacobites had taken place at Gordon of Glenbucket's 
house, and " it was time for sleeping dogs to awake." 
In eight days' time he would call on the Advocate, 
but in the meanwhile the Advocate and Sir John Cope 
were urged to be on the alert. 


When Prince Charlie landed in Inverness-shire, 
with a few followers, the authorities at Edinburgh did 
not believe the report, and paid no attention to Sir 
John Cope's request that " a sum of money should be 
placed in the hands of His Majesty's servants, . . . 
for if anything should happen to disturb the peace of 
the Government here, that necessary spring to cause 
the friends of the Government act with spirit may 
come too late." Sir John Cope has been unjustly 
blamed for the success which attended the Jacobite 
rising. The General was fettered in every way, and 
was -not allowed that free hand or mode of action 
necessary for the suppression of the rising. No atten- 
tion was paid to his remonstrances, and he was told 
that his duty was simply to obey the orders trans- 
mitted to him. 

James Roy Macgregor, whether acting according to 
instructions, or of his own free will is unknown, 
immediately joined Prince Charlie. Along with 
Macgregor of Glengyle he assumed command of some 
of the Duke of Perth's men, and surprised and 
captured the Fort of Inversnaid. Prince Charlie 
succeeded in eluding Sir John Cope, and it was only 
at Prestonpans that the two armies came face to face. 
James Roy was a major in the corps of Macgregors, 
which occupied the centre of the Jacobite array, and 
in the fight which ensued he fought as only a Macgregor 
could. It is said that after his thigh bone was broken, 


and after receiving five wounds, he raised himself 
from the ground, and resting on his hand, called out 
— " My lads ! I am not dead ! By God I shall see if 
any of you does not do his duty ! " 

On recovering from his wounds he joined the Prince's 
army with six companies, and was present at CuUoden. 
A letter dated a few months after his death insinuates 
that it was due to his treachery that CuUoden was 
lost. And there seems to be some foundation for 
the suspicion that he behaved as a traitor on this 

He resumed his intrigues with the Government 
after the defeat at CuUoden, and in 1747 received a 
military protection from Andrew Fletcher, Lord Justice 
Clerk. He lived quietly in the Macgregor country 
until the abduction of Jane Kaye by his brother 
Robert on the night of 3rd December 1750. His 
share in this transaction brought him within the 
meshes of the law, and after Jane Kaye's death he 
had to stand trial at Edinburgh, where he was im- 
prisoned. He was, however, too useful an instrument 
to receive the doom he merited, and the better to 
achieve their purpose the authorities entered upon an 
elaborate method of deception. 

James Roy consented to act as a spy upon the 
Jacobites abroad, and to screen him he was enabled to 
escape under circumstances which appeared romantic 
to those unacquainted with the facts. It was in the 


autumn of 1752 that he was released, and to give 
colour to his story he wandered about as if fearing 
pursuit, and made his way to the Isle of Man, where 
a Jacobite conference was being held. From thence 
he passed over to Ireland, where some of the Stuart 
adherents were concerting measures for a landing. 
He then passed to France, and under date December 
1752 sent the following letter to the Secretary of State. 
To this letter must be attributed the capture and 
execution of Dr Archibald Cameron, who was sent to 
Scotland on a mission to the Jacobites. The authorities 
were on the watch for him, and in the spring of 1753 
Cameron was captured, and in the following June 
suffered death at Tyburn. 

Macgregor's information proved most useful to the 
Government, as they were able to checkmate both 
Prussia and Sweden, and thwarted the intended alliance 
between Prince Charlie and the Princess of Prussia, 
about whom " Pickle," as Macgregor was known to the 
authorities, wrote some amusing letters. The follow- 
ing is unsigned, but is endorsed " from Pickle " : — 

" The young Pretender about the latter end of September 
sent Mr Murray (brother to Lord Elibank) for Lochgarry and 
Dr Archibald Cameron. They met him at Menin. He informed 
them that hoped he had brought matters to such a bearing, 
particularly at the King of Prussia's Court, whom he expected 
in a short time to have a strong alliance with, that he did not 
desire the Highlanders to rise in arms until General Keith 
was landed in the north of Scotland with some Swedish 


troops. He likewise assured them that some of the greatest 
weight in England, though formerly great opposers to his 
family, were engaged in this attempt, and that he expected to 
meet with very little opposition. In consequence of this he 
gave Lochgarry, Doctor Cameron, Blairfety, Eobertson of 
Woodsheal, Skalleter, money and sent them to Scotland, 
so as to meet several Highland gentlemen at the Crieff 
market for black cattle, Cameron, Fassifern, and Gleneves 
were those who were to carry on the correspondence 'twixt 
the southern Jacobites and Clunie Macpherson. Lochgarry 
was after the general meeting at Menin with the young 
Pretender, for two nights at Gent in Flanders. I was at 
Boulogne when Sir James Harrington gave me directions to 
go to Gent ; but to my great surprise as I lighted off horse- 
back at Furnes I was tipped upon the shoulder by one 
Morrison, who desired me to stop for a little at the inn. I 
was not long there when the young Pretender entered my 
room. The discourse chiefly turned upon the scheme in 
England, when he repeated the same assurances as to Loch- 
garry, but in stronger terms, and with the addition that the 
Swedes were to embark at Gottenburgh, and that Mr Murray 
was sent with commissions for me and full instructions how 
I was to act in Scotland. The young Chevalier was so 
positive of his schemes succeeding that he told me he expected 
to be in London very soon himself, and that he was determined 
to give the present Government no quiet until he succeeded 
or died in the attempt. I came over here by his express 
orders. I waited on Lord Elibank, who, after the strong 
assurances of the young pretender, surprised me to the greatest 
degree by telling me that all was all put off for some time, 
and that his brother had recrossed the seas in order to acquaint 
the young Pretender of it, and from him he was to go straight 
to Paris to Lord Marischal. It is not above nine days since 
I left the young Pretender at Furnes. When he was at 
Menin a French gentleman attended him. Gorm has been 
within these two months twice in England, and Mr Murray 


three times since he first went over. It's not above five days 
since Mr Murray. 

" Probably' the landing for England was to be from France, 
as there is 12,000 troops in Flanders more than the ordinary 
complement ; this the common French take notice of, but I 
can say nothing of this with certainty. The young Chevalier 
has more than once seen the King of Prussia, but none other 
of his Court that I ever could learn, but General Keith, Sir 
John Douglas, Mr Charters, and Hepburn of Keith are in the 
secret. The young Chevalier has been in close correspondence 
with England for a year and a half past. Mr Carl, the 
historian, has carried frequent messages. They never commit 
anything to writing. Alderman Hethcote is a principal 
manager. The very words that the young Pretender told me 
was that all this scheme was laid and transacted by Whiggs ; 
that no Eoman Catholics was concerned, and obliged me to 
give my word and honour that I would write nothing con- 
cerning him nor his plan to Eome. After what I said last 
night this is all that occurs to me for the present. I will lose 
no time in my transactions, and I will take care they will 
always be conforme to your directions, and as I have thrown 
myself entirely upon you. I am determined to run all 
hazards upon this occasion, which I hope will entitle me to 
your favour and to his Majesties protection." 

We next find James Roy addressing Edgar, the 
Chevalier St George's secretary, craving assistance for 
a " man who has always shown the strongest attach- 
ment to his Majesty's person and cause." The better 
to advance his suit, he inclosed a certificate from 
Lord Strathallan and others, dated " Boulogne-sur-mer, 
22nd May 1753," to the effect that James Drummond, 
son of late Rob Roy, had been employed in the Prince 
Regent's affairs by the Duke of Perth prior to His 


Koyal Highness's arrival in Scotland ; that afterwards 
he behaved with great bravery in several battles in 
which he received many wounds. Orders were issued 
that he should be paid the sum of 300 livres to relieve 
his necessities. The money was still unpaid on the 
6th of September, when Strathallan wrote to Edgar 
that he should be sorry to answer for James 
Drummond, as he had but an indifferent character as 
to real honesty. 

A few days later he wrote direct to Prince Charlie, 
pleading his services in the Stuart cause, and ascrib- 
ing his exile to the persecution of the Hanoverian 
Government. The result of this petition is unknown, 
but in the meantime Macgregor was employed by 
Captain Duncan Campbell to trepan Allan Breck 
Stuart, who had murdered Campbell of Glenure in 
May 1751. To aid him to bring the murderer to 
England and allay suspicion among the Jacobites, a 
licence was forwarded to Macgregor. But Allan 
escaped, after robbing the man employed to secure 

Macgregor then proceeded to London, and had 
interviews with the Secretary of State. To deceive 
the Jacobites, who viewed his visits to London with 
suspicion, he was escorted out of the country, and 
landed at Dunkirk on the 6th April 1754. On the 
same day he wrote a letter to his chief, Macgregor of 
Bohaldie, giving him an account of his visit, which 


declared the journey was undertaken to save his brother 
Robert, who was executed for the abduction of Jane 
Kaye on the 6th of February. The Government, he 
alleged, offered him employment, which he declined 
to accept, as it would be a disgrace to his family and 
a scourge to his country ! As he wished to settle 
down to trade at Dunkirk, he desired to have his 
chiefs opinion on the subject. 

Two days afterwards he sent the following amusing 
and curious letter to the authorities in London 
addressed to "Mr James Jones, at Mr Chilbains 
Chymmist in Sherwood Street, Golden Square. " The 
references in these letters to the Jacobites' names and 
schemes are in cipher, and we give the key in 
brackets : — 

" Dear Sir, — I am still in such agitation after fourteen 
hours' passage and sitting up with our friends Alexander (i.e. 
Macdonald of Lochgarry) and Agent (a Macdonald identity 
unestablished), who luckily met me here, that I am scarce 
able to put pen to paper. I must here confess the difficulties 
I labour under since the Loss of my worthy great friend 
(? Mr Pelham), on whose word I wholly relied. But now 
everything occurs far short of my expectations ; however, as 
I find our branch of trade is upon a much better footing than 
T imagined. I am willing to give you ane idea of their con- 
ceit and expectations here, not doubting but it will agree 
with the real sentiments of our friends your side. But it's 
with this restriction, that I shan't act but in the same 
channel as heretofore ; and as I have goen such lengths with 
our former friend, T am not willing to drop it, providing T 
have your advice and directions as formerly. I am now to 



acquaint you that Alexander (i.e. Lochgarry) met me here by 
order to desire my proceeding to Venice (i.e. Lord Marischal) 
as everything without that trip will be imperfect. All I can 
say, at this distance, and in so precarious a situation, that T 
find they play Mrs Strenge {i.e. the Highlanders) hard and 
fast. They expect a very large quantity of the very best 
Brasilensnuff (i.e. the clans) from her, to balance which 
several gross of good sparkling Champagne (i.e. arms) is to 
be smuggled out for her Ladyship's use. The whole accounts 
of our tobacco (i.e. Jacobite) and wine trade (i.e. schemes), I 
am told, are to be laid before me by my friend at Venice 
(Lord Marischal). But this being a jaunt I can't comply 
without a certain supply. I must beg if this proposal be 
found agreeable that I have ane immediate pointed answer. 
But if, when I leave Venice, I go to meet St Sebastian (i.e. 
the young Pretender) the remittance must be more consider- 
able than the sum you mentioned whilst you was at Bath. 
I refer everything to your friendly management, and if I find 
matters upon a proper footing upon my return you may rely 
upon everything in the power of dear grandpapa. 

" P.S. — To-morrow night Mr Davis (Sir James Harrington) 
is to meet me, after which I will write by first post. You 
must excuse the confusion and hurrie of this and all future 
imperfect scrawls from this side, as all is wrote after all others 
have gone to rest." 

Three days later Mucgregor sent another letter to 
London, and from it we learn how favourably the 
schemes of the Jacobites progressed. Sweden and 


Spain encouraged the designs of the Stuarts; poli- 
ticians of the day were rapidly coming over, and the 
city of London placed large sums at the disposal of 
the Stuart partisans. The Highlanders and Scots 
nation disliked the Forfeited Estates Bill, and some 
of the most influential and powerful of English houses 
were disgusted through the unseemly squabbles in 
the Koyal household. But the opportunity of the 
Jacobites slipped away through the action of Mont- 
martell, and the fact that their secret schemes were 
laid before the Government. 

The letter of 11th April runs thus : — 

" Dear Sir, — I hope my last to you upon landing came safe 
to hand. I will be very uneasy until you acknowledge the 
receit of it, though you can't expect ane regular or explicit 
correspondence from me least our smuggling, so severely 
punished in this country, should be any ways discovered. 
Mr Davis was here for a few hours last night, the particulars 
I refer till meeting. Great expectations from the Norwegian 
hre trade (i.e. Sweden), which merchants here think will turn 
out to good account by offering them ane ample charter to 
open a free trade. 

" But Da^.ds is not well versed in this business ; I believe 
my friend at Venice is. I am certain that Mr Oliver (i.e. the 
King of Spain) and his principal factors would harken to any 
proposals of St Sebastian (i.e. the young Pretender) on this 
topick. Mr Davis is of opinion that a quantity of best mettle 
buttons {i.e. Parliament men) could be readily and cheaply 
purchased. Mr Johnstone (i.e. London) will make consider- 
able advances, but I believe this can't arrive in time for the 
market, as application has not yet been made to Monsla 
Force (i.e. Paix Montmartell). I think I can easily divert 


them from this, as I can convince St Sebastian in case I see 
him that they would leave him in time. This proposal comes 
from your side of the water. I find Mrs Strenge (i.e. the High- 
landers) will readily except of any offer from Mr Eosenberge 
(the King of Sweden) as that negotiant can easily evade 
paying duty for any wines he sends her. I can answer for 
Mrs Strenge's conduct, as it will wholly depend upon me to 
promote or discourage this branch of trade. But I can't be 
answerable for either branches of our trade, as my knowledge 
of them depends upon others ... If all my burdens are 
discharged and done otherwise for according to my former 
friends' intentions, and if satisfactory, nothing will be neglected 
by, dear grandpapa, your obliged affect, humble servant, 

" Alexr. Pickle. 

"Samm'es (sic), 11 April 17-54. 

" P.S. — I can't conclude without declaring once for all that 
I shan't walk but in the old course, that is not to act now 
with any other but Mr Kennedy (i.e. the Duke of Newcastle) 
and yourself. The moment any other comes in play I dro]) 
all business, but nothing essential can be done without going 
to Venice." 

The intrigues of the unhappy man were found out, 
yet on 8th June he made a vain attempt to regain the 
confidence of his chief, who took no notice of his 
letters. He protested he did nothing to violate the 
trust reposed in him, but his impassioned pleading 
was of none avail. 

In September, Macdonnell of Lochgarry tried to 
have him arrested as a spy, by the Bailie of Dunkirk, 
but he escaped to Paris, from which place he again 
addressed his chief. He was in the utmost misery — 
deserted by everyone and reduced to beggary. Such 


was his condition that he desired his chief to procure 
him employment as a hunter or fowler till better cast 
up. It was on this occasion he wrote the following 
pathetic postscript : — 

" If you would send your pipes by the bearer, and all the 
other little trinkims belonging to it, I would put them in 
order and play some melancholy tunes, which I may now 
with safety and in real truth. Forgive my not going directly 
to your house, for I would shun seeing of yourself, I could 
not choose to be seen by my friends in my wretchedness, nor 
by any of my acquaintance." 

The wretched creature is said to have died miserably 
eight months after writing the above, and thus [for 
the present] ended the career of one who placed an 
indelible stain upon the name of Macgregor. 



The story of the Jacobites of 1745 does not end 
with the fatal fight upon the bleak moor of CuUoden, 
nor with the cold-blooded murders perpetrated by 
Cumberland and his troops. These things were not 
regarded as a final reckoning by the Hanoverian 
Government, for strenuous efforts were made to secure 
lists of those implicated in the rising, in order that 
they might be hunted down and their effects confis- 
cated. So bitter and relentless was the persecution 
that even the dress of the Gael was proscribed, and a 
despicable system of espionage became rife. Alas ! 
the lure of English gold proved too strong in many 
cases, and Highlanders of ancient name became the 
dupes of the Guests, Craigies, and other officials of 
State in Scotland. 

In this brochure we mean to show how the Eno;lish 
Government, still unsatiated with the blood of so many 
poor Highlanders, placed spies upon the trail of such 
as sought refuge in other countries ; and from the 
reports of these sleuth-hounds of infamy, we know 


how remorselessly was Highland chief and vassal 
tracked to their place of refuge, — their aspirations, 
hopes, and privations being duly chronicled at the 
Court of St James'. Little wonder their schemes were 
baulked and their hopes blighted. An unseen and 
unknown enemy, hovered around and about them, 
betraying their confidence and the most vital secrets of 
their party ; and one need not be surprised that many 
thought a curse had fallen upon the race of Stuart. 

It was in the autumn of 1744 that General Guest 
had crossed the path of a scion of the ancient Clan 
Gregor, and unscrupulously took advantage of his 
power and position to force the man to betray a 
friend's confidence, and thus began a career of shame. 
James Roy Macgregor, the son of Rob Roy, followed 
the occupation of his father, being a small farmer and 
drover ; and until Guest forced him with gold, and at 
the swordpoint, to betray the hiding-place of a 
kinsman, he was regarded as a man of the highest 
honour. Threats of violence and the promise of gold 
brought about his fall, — a fall by which he was rapidly 
developed into an ingenuous villain, who was wonder- 
fully capable of adapting himself to every emergency 
which could arise. He had the address of a diplomat ; 
and there was latent in him the cunning of a race 
which had suffered by long and fearful proscription. 
He became a liar of the first water, and boasted that 
he could counterfeit the caligraphy of any man. 


Such, then, was the individual who had rendered 
service to the Ministers of the House of Guelph during 
the '45, and who, passing through a troublous time 
because of the abduction of Jane Kay by his brother, 
was to enter on a new career of shame. 

His trial in August 1752 lasted for forty-eight hours, 
and so wearied and exasperated the Lord Justice- 
Clerk that he could not write about the subject, and 
could only inform the Secretary of State that a 
special verdict was arrived at. Among the papers 
at Hornby Castle is a letter, dated 16th November 
1752, from the Lord Justice-Clerk, to the effect that 
" James Drummond alias Macgregor, who was in 
custody in the castle of Edinburgh, and upon Monday 
next was to receive sentence of death, made his 
escape last night about a quarter after six. The 
particulars of the escape I have not as yet learned." 
We do not even now know the exact circumstances, 
for official and private letters give conflicting versions 
as to the date of Drummond's escape and the manner 
in which it was effected. James himself relates the 
story in five different ways. One account says he 
escaped about the end of October, and got aboard a 
vessel at Leith, and was landed at Boulogne ; another 
version is that he escaped, and had various adventures 
with a gipsy named Billy Marshall ; a third, that he 
fled into the Highlands, and remained in the company 
of John Macdonald of Arisaig until the 20th March, 


when lie landed in the Isle of Man, going thence to 
Ireland ; a fourth story is, that he sought refuge in 
the house of Duncan Campbell. The true version 
seems to be that he immediately went abroad, for 
there are intercepted letters from a James Drummond 
(residing at Boulogne) to his wife, then living at the 
house of Duncan Campbell, drover, Crindarroch, during 
the months of November and December 1752, while 
there is undoubted official corroboration of the fact 
that Drummond furnished Lord Holdernesse with 
intelligence from Boulogne (p. 174) during this period. 
He was at Sens in Februar}^ and after his return to 
Paris became very ill. Writing to General Campbell on 
l7th March, he begs him to intercede with the King 
for a suitable pardon ; and to strengthen the case, he 
declared the officials at Edinburgh and London knew 
well what service he " had rendered, both in the time 
of the unnatural rebellion and leatly." He " intended 
for Scotland immediately by way of Flanders, for 
there was one there who owed him money, and the 
situation cf his poor famely made him face all diffi- 
culty." A few days later he arrived at Crindarrocli, 
where he threw his family into the greatest state of 
consternation. Here he remained only a few hours, 
but again wrote to General Campbell, soliciting his 
good offices with the Government. He left Crin- 
darroch, and took along with him his son Robert. 
Tliey arrived in the Isle of Man, and were entertained 


at the house of a merchant named Patrick Savage, 
who recommended them to his son George, at Rush, in 
Ireland. From the latter he acquired information 
regarding proposals by the Irish Jacobites. They 
were prepared to raise a few thousand men, and trans- 
port them in their own wherries to the coasts of 
Wales and Scotland. Drummond and his son left 
Ireland on 8th May, and arrived at "St Valorg 
Decco" in France on the 13th of same month, 
reaching Boulogne three days later. Here he met 
Lord Stratliallan, and, in the presence of Captain W. 
Drummond and Charles Boyd, communicated to him 
the Irish Proposals, in order that they might be laid 
before Prince Charles, Strathallan undertook to la}^ 
the proposal before the Prince, and advised Macgregor 
to go to Bergue and remain there until his arrival. 
On the 20th June 1753 Strathallan wrote to 
Drummond at Bergue the following letter, still pre- 
served at Hornby Castle : — 

" Boulogne, 20th June 1753. 
" Sir, — I expected to have been with you at Bergue last 
week, but that some business called me here which obliged 
me to attend. I delivered Mr Savages proposall to his E.H. 
He desires me to tell you that he is very sensible of your 
good services, and that you may depend that proper care 
will be taken of both you and your son. His E.H. has 
given me orders to send you to Paris, and also a bill on Mr 
Waters for to carry your charges. I have sent for the 
money to be given you. That you might not think I had 
forgot you, I sent this by Wm. After you peruse it, burn 


it. I shall let you know all at meeting ; and I ever am, with 
greatest esteem, Sir, your most humble servant, 

" Strathallan." 

Drummond had communicated again with the 
authorities at London, and a suspicion was aroused 
that he was playing a double game. Certain it is, 
Strathallan was one of the first to entertain doubts 
as to his integrity, and by September declared that 
he should be sorry to answer for " Drummond, as he 
had but an indifferent character as to real honesty." 
The Jacobites had evidently found him inconveniently 
tiresome, and by October Drummond approached 
Lord Albemarle, and on 12th October wrote to him a 
letter, a copy of which was sent to Lord Holdernesse. 
Herein he recounted his adventures in Scotland and 
the proceedings against him, and the fact that the 
Dundas faction had brought in a special verdict, in 
spite of plenty exculpation. He thought it was in 
his power to serve the Government, and especially 
could bring the murderer of Campbell of Glenure to 
justice, which he thought merited himself getting a 
remission from the King, especially as he was not 
guilty of any acts of treason. If Albemarle procured 
this remission on the capture of Allan Breck Stuart, 
Drummond promised to reveal a very grand plot on 
foot against the Government, which is more effectually 
carried on than any since the family of Stewart was 
put off the throne of Britain. He would also do all 


the service that lay in his power to the Government. 
He desired, that in case this proposal was agreed to, 
that General Campbell should be one of those ap- 
pointed to examine him. After a great deal of very 
secret and 'private correspondence between Albemarle 
and Holdernesse, the latter, after duly consulting the 
highest legal authority, decided that the following 
licence, the original of which is at Hornby, under the 
King's hand, should be sent: — 

"George E. — Whereas it has been represented unto Us, 
Mr James Drummond of the Clan of Macgregor now fled 
into parts beyond the seas on account of Acts of Treason by 
him heretofore committed, is able and willing to make many 
useful and important discoveries if for that purpose he may 
be allowed to return into Great Britain, and have safe access 
to our Secretaries of State and other persons to whom we 
shall direct such discoveries to be communicated for our 
information. We being desirous to hear what the said James 
Drummond has to say which may be for our service, have 
thought fit to grant unto the said James Drummond our 
Licence to return into. Great Britain, and there to reside 
during our will and pleasure ; and we do hereby, for Ourself, 
our Heirs and successors, grant unto the said James 
Drummond, during such residence, a stay of all proceedings 
whatsoever, which may or might be carried on against him, 
on account of any Treason, Felony or misdemeanor by him 
heretofore committed, or supposed to have been committed, 
and do hereby promise that the said James Drummond shall 
not be arrested, prosecuted, vexed, or molested on account 
of such former crimes, until he shall have been commanded 
by us or our heirs to depart the realm, and full opportunity 
given him for that purpose. Provided always that if the 
said James Drummond shall wilfully neglect or refuse to 


depart forthwith the realm upon the signification of our 
will and pleasure to him to depart, then this licence and 
stay of process shall cease to all extents and purposes 
whatsoever; and in that case, as also after he shall have 
once departed the realm, pursuant to our command or 
otherwise, the said James Drummond shall be liable to be 
proceeded against according to law in respect of any crime 
or crimes by him heretofore committed, as if this licence had 
never been. Given at our Court at Kensington the third day 
of November 1753, in the twenty -seventh year of our reign. 
By His Majesty's Command, " Holdeenesse." 

Albemarle advised Drummond to go by way of 
Ostend to escape detection, yet an intercepted letter, 
dated 28th October, warns the Jacobites of Mr D.'s 
having absconded, and thinks he has been tampered 
with by the English Ambassador. On 3rd November 
Drummond wrote from Flanders to Duncan Campbell, 
drover in Beneglass, saying : — 

" I don't despair to surprise you at your new iiabitation ere 
winter is over, rather more agreeably than last year (? Spring) 
at Crindarroch. You may judge that any man who left his 
wife and family in such a despicable condition would venture 
a great many hazards to contribute to their relief without 
which I can have no happiness. Yet you may keep this to 

In a postscript he adds, " No doubt you would hear 
by Nicoll that my son Robbie died some tim^e ago of 
an ague and fever." 

Drummond arrived in ijondon, and was accommo- 
dated in the house of Mr Butaon, a messenger. On 
6th November he was examined by Lord Ilolderncsse, 


and made a long and curious statement. He laid the 
Irish proposals in great detail before the Ministry. 
The Irish proposed to raise 14,000 men to invade 
Scotland. They were to embark in wherries. 
Macdonald of Largie undertook to raise 2500 men, 
including the Hamilton vassals in Arran, and these 
would be joined by a great array of North Country 
clans. The Kinlochmoidarts had 9000 stand of arms 
hid in the country. Two of the principal Jacobite 
agents were Trent and Fleetwood, but he himself was 
more trusted than any, and he advised that the 
authorities should seize all letters directed to Patrick, 
George, or Edward Savage, merchants, Douglas, Isle 
of Man. Another corresponding agent whose letters 
should be opened was Mr Peter Pippard, a Liverpool 
merchant. The Pretender's son was to remain quiet 
until the invasion from Ireland. Prince Charlie was 
very anxious that his father should resign, and this 
made Balhaldie and other prominent Jacobites very 
desirous to keep clear from Court intrigue ; for if the 
plot is in any way discovered, it will not only ruin the 
poor family of Stuart, but also the Irish, that they will 
be kept under bondage and slavery for ever. Lord 
Marischal, it seems, was particularly anxious to know 
about the Irishmen, and Drummond informed Holder- 
nesse that he had declared to Marischal that the 
Irishmen he considered a great deal better men than 
any of the Highland clans ! 


Drummond had won the confidence of Holdernesse, 
who proposed that he should immediately set out on 
a mission, and that suitable encouragement would be 
given to him. On the 9th November Drummond 
wrote from London to Claudius Amy and, Esquire : — 

" London, 9th November 1753. 
" Sir, — As you wanted I shoud make up a note of things 
necessary for the king's service, I have in a measure made up 
the enclosed. How far it may be agreeable I do not pretend 
to judge, yet I only offer it as my real advice for the good of 
the service. I could say a good deal more upon the subject 
and will when it's desired, for I tbink it both my honour and 
intrest to show if it's possable that I can be of use to the 
King's intrest and service, and I hope, if I have the honour 
to be employed, to show that I am both able and willing in a 
vary litel time to be ane useful subject to his Majesty. I 
most reflect that it's a little bardship upon me at present 
that I cannot have ane opportunity to have the intrest of 
those of my friends in the Government's service to declar 
their opinion in my behalf, and the more so as I never had 
the honour of being the lest acquainted with those 1 am at 
present concerned, for nothing can be expected but what the 
force of what I say for myself can produce for me ; but I hope 
you'll not onely consider yourself, but advert to my lord 
what service I can do in time to come; for if I shall be 
allowed to open my cause, to some people of caracter in the 
Government's service, will get myself very well recommended 
to the Ministry. I would beg to here from you when con- 
venient ; and I am, with grate respect, 


The letter and memorandum were received by 
Aniyand two days later, and indorsed by him " from 
Mr Drummond." The "note of things " is certainly 
a curious document. In it Drummond proposed that 
two ships of war should be sent to the Irish coast, 
and that Lord John Murray's Highland regiment 
should be quartered in Rush and Drogheda. That a 
regiment should be cantoned at Conart (sic). That if 
it was thought necessary Mr . . . should be sent to 
Ireland to discover particulars of the Irish plot, and to 
endeavour to procure from those concerned a super- 
scription from under their hands, as if it were to be 
sent to the young Pretender. That if it was neces- 
sary Mr . . . was willing to go to Ireland, provided 
the Secretary of State will send a Trustee from him- 
self to be eye-witness to their transaction. Cluny 
Macpherson should be captured at all hazard, for he 
is solely depended upon for raising the clans. Two 
Highland companies should be raised, — one to have 
charge north of Perth and bounds of Badenoch, and 
the other more to the south. Highland companies 
were preferable, because in thair own garb are more 
expeditious and undergo more fatigue. 

Drummond seems to have had some mission from 
Lochgarry, and requested protection to go to Scotland. 
This was refused, and he was ordered upon Govern- 
ment service without further delay, and upon pain of 
being sent out of the country. Of the nature of this 


service and destination there is no record until the 
9th December, when he appeared to have been in 
London, for on that date he writes to * Secretary 
Amyand ' to let him know that " his pocket is quite 
run out, and to stay unsupported is what I do not 
expect you'll desire. So I leave you to judge my 
cause, or if it's agreeable you'd plase talk to the Earl 
of Holderness of sending me some cash. I mean such 
as will be agreeable to his lordship." 

Some money — a trifle, Drummond called it — was 
sent to him by Mr Butson, who was charged to see 
him' away on his journey within two days in the most 
secret manner. Drummond's mission seems to have 
been to France, for his letter to Lochgarry, which was 
intercepted, bewails the fact that he dared not go to 
Scotland, and he was afraid he had been already 
detected in London ! He asked Lochgarry to meet 
him at Calais. Drummond apparently went to France, 
for on his return to London on 23 rd December 
he had to submit to a long and determined cross- 
examination by Lord Holdernesse and the Chancellor. 
The original papers relating to this conference are at 
Hornby, and possess a curious interest. He said he 
had met Lochgarry at Calais, and also the young 
Pretender, with whom he went to Paris. By the 
last conference between Balhaldie, Drummond (him- 
self), and Mr Gordon of the Scots (Jollege, it was pro- 
posed that Cameron of Lochiel, and his brother 



Captain William Drummond ; Lieutenant Joseph 
Stuart, Royal Scots ; Mr Hay of Rannes ; Lord 
Strathallan ; Captain Patrick Graham ; and Captain 
Lauchlan Mackintosh, of Ogilvy's regiment, who was 
at CuUoden ; Major Fraser, of the Spanish service, a 
cousin of the late Lord Lovat's, who lives upon his 
retreat at Versailles, many of them not being 
attainted, could go to Scotland and appear publicly. 
As for himself, his allegiance to his king and country 
is both honourable and just, and he hopes no other 
construction will be put upon it. He desired to have 
his family properly ' edicated.' He also betrayed his 
friend Lochgarry by communicating his memorial to 
Holdernesse. He declared that Lochgarry and Dr 
Cameron, when in Scotland, proposed that arms should 
be landed and secreted on Lochgarry estate, and 
offered him what arms he wished for the purpose of 
holding his clan prepared. This Drummond refused 
to accede to, on the grounds that it might lead to 
premature discovery. 

Lord Holdernesse was not quite satisfied as to the 
information tendered by Drummond, and sent copies 
of the Declarations to Lord Albemarle for confirma- 
tion. Albemarle, on 16th January 1754, replied : — 

" I would not have your lordship give much credit to 
Macgregor, for, upon reading his long declaration, I find in it 
many falsehoods, and few material circumstances, and upon 
the whole believe him a most notorious scoundrel. As to a 


particular point in his information as to arras being sent from 
hence and lodged in the Highlands, at a place near Stirling, 
and at another not far from Leith, the truth may easily be 
verified. He says that Sullivan, that was in Scotland with 
the Pretender's son, is dead. I can aver the contrary, for 1 
saw him yesterday at Versailles." 

Drummoiid was now called upon for explanations, 
but pleaded illness. What followed we know from 
his letters to his Chief, Macgregor of Balhaldie (whom 
he so basely betrayed), published in Blackwood's 
Magazine, 1817. 

In the letter of 1st May he says that eight days 
after he had seen Holdernesse [he had concealed the 
fact of his former visits to London] he was called to 
the latter " and examined in civil manner, but was so 
questioned that I was put to confusion, yet managed 
that they could not read through stones," but a few 
days later he contracted gravel and fever, which con- 
tinued until the middle of March, and what happened 
subsequently is found in the letter of 6th April, 
immediately on his arrival at Dunkirk. On 23rd 
March, being recovered from his illness, he was sent 
for by the Under Secretary, who gave him to under- 
stand that Holdernesse had procured employment for 
him in Government service, and requested him to go 
to Edinburgh, where a sham trial would take place to 
satisfy the public. The employ he would not accept, 
as it would be a disgrace to his family and a scourge 
to his country. In this letter he says that next day 


the Secretary sent for him, and said that the Ministry 

had ordered him to retire from liis Majesty's 

dominions within three days. On 30th March 

Drumraond had a meeting with Holdernesse, and 

the latter reported to the Chancellor that ' Pickle ' 

is proving intractable, and has got three days' grace. 

Drummond was escorted out of the country on 5th 

April, and landed at Ostend, as officially certified by 

Amyand. From thence he went to Dunkirk, whence 

on 6th April he wrote to his Chief, Macgregor of Bal- 

haldie, apologising for not informing him of the 

London visit. There were reasons why Balhaldie 

should not know. He tells that he had fallen on 

ways and means to procure a licence under the King's 

signature, and appeared before the Secretaries of State, 

pleading his own case and that of his brother. The 

Ministry seemed favourable, until Argyll and Advocate 

Grant interposed and represented his clan as the most 

disaffected in Scotland. He intended to remain at 

Dunkirk until recovered from his illness. Two days 

later he wrote, under the nom de plume of Pickle, a 

letter (p. 177) mentioning that "he was still in such 

agitation after his fourteen hours' passage and sitting 

up with Lochgarry," and giving an account of the 

Jacobite schemes. 

Drummond next went to Samur to see his Chief, 
and three days later wrote to London (p. 179) giving 
additional information regarding the Jacobite schemes. 


Amyand asked him to go to Paris, but he told Albe- 
marle that as he owed money there it was better for 
him not to go. By the 1st of May he was again at 
Dunkirk, and wrote to his Chief complaining of his 
illness of eight days' duration. He added that the 
Stewarts had made a handle of his being in London ; 
and as his Chief seemed to distrust him, he explained 
the reasons which brought him to London. Balhaldie 

U CL\^\J KJ± VK/K> 

eventually he was reported to have died. A letter 
of his owB proves that he had fled from France and 
skulked in Scotland, in mortal dread of assassination. 
His retreat was discovered by one who claimed to be 
a nephew of Lochgarry, who denounced him to the 
Lord Advocate, who in turn wrote to Newcastle. 
James escaped, but was followed to Sens by the young 
scion of the Clan Donald, who besmirched the fnir 
name of his race by adopting the r61e of spy. At 


the Secretary sent for him, and said that the Ministry 
had ordered him to retire from his Majesty's 
dominions within three days. On 30th March 
Drumraond had a meeting with Holdernessc, and 
the hitter reported to the Chancellor that ' Pickle ' 
is proving intractable, and lias got three days' grace. 
Drumraond was escorted out of the country on 5th 
April, and landed at Ostend, as officially certified by 


p. 197. Injustice to the Clan Donald it should be noted that 
this Spy was really a man named Anderson, who during the '45 
acted for Andrew Fletcher, Lord Justice Clerk, who gave him a 
military protection, which was found when he was arrested on 
board a vessel at Leith, 1746. 

Dunkirk until recovered from his illness. Two days 
later he wrote, under the nom de plume of Pickle, a 
letter (p. 177) mentioning that "he was still in such 
agitation after his fourteen hours' passage and sitting 
up with Lochgarry," and giving an account of the 
Jacobite schemes. 

Drummond next went to Samur to see his Chief, 
and three days later wrote to London (p. 179) giving 
additional information regarding the Jacobite schemes, 


Amyand asked him to go to Paris, but he told Albe- 
marle that as he owed money there it was better for 
him not to go. By the 1st of May he was again at 
Dunkirk, and wrote to his Chief complaining of his 
illness of eight days' duration. He added that the 
Stewarts had made a handle of his being in London ; 
and as his Chief seemed to distrust him, he explained 
the reasons which brought him to London. Balhaldie 
was still unsatisfied, and Drummond wrote again 
pleading for correspondence, for he had made as 
a;enuine a confession as if before a father confessor. 
Suspicion was confirmed that he was a spy, and his 
presence with a doubtful person at St Omers led to 
Lochgarry laying information against him, and trying 
to get him arrested as a spy by the Bailie of Dunkirk. 
It was during the month of September that James 
disappeared as completely as if the grave had swal- 
lowed him. Lochgarry, the Stewarts, and other 
Jacobites who were on his track were puzzled, and 
eventually he was reported to have died. A letter 
of his own proves that he had fled from France and 
skulked in Scotland, in mortal dread of assassination. 
His retreat was discovered by one who claimed to be 
a nephew of Lochgarry, who denounced him to the 
Lord Advocate, who in turn wrote to Newcastle. 
James escaped, but was followed to Sens by the young 
scion of the Clan Donald, who besmirched the fair 
name of his race by adopting the r61e of spy. At 


Hornby there are several letters from this yoimg man 
to the Chancellor during the spring of 1755 ; and if 
we believe his statements, he could not even plead 
poverty as an excuse for his treachery, for he claimed 
to have an income of £300 per annum. He caused 
Walkinshaw of Scotstown to be arrested, and soon 
after he disappeared from the scene as effectually as 
did James Roy Macgregor, alias James Drummond, 
alias Alex. Pickle ; and, it is satisfactory to know, 
apparently without fee or reward. 





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